Sunday, December 30, 2012

Always keep a diamond in your mind!


NEW YEAR MESSAGE
By Leoul Mekonen

As the New Year of 2013 approaches, I am triggered to write something to my beloved patriotic friends and comrades whose love and devotion to Ethiopia is as strong as diamond. For many reasons the year 2012 has immensely inspired many patriotic Ethiopians to take uncompromising step in the struggle for territorial integrity, freedom and Ethiopian unity. Even though we feel our country has been taken by traitors and tribalists, still we live with the undying spirit and courage to take back what has been stolen from us. What has been stolen from us are our country, our national and territorial integrity, our unity, our flag and above all the spirit of Ethiopianness on our own soil. We have been humiliated by Meles Zenawi and his ethno-facist war-Lords, soldiers and supporters since 1991 to this very moment. Even after the death of the dictator, our land is governed from the grave through Hailemariam, a client king of the TPLF tigrean ethno-facist regime.

Even though our country and people have been constantly exposed to the evil plans of the tribalist facists, we are always armed with courage and knowledge which the Woyanes (ruling class), their supporters and infiltrators among us hate to see in us. Courage, fearlessness, love and devotion to our country and integrity are the things Woyanes(the regime) couldn’t destroy in the heart and minds of patriots. Since patriots don’t sell themselves and their principle, the only strategy Woyanes devised to weaken Ethiopians is by attracting non-patriotic Ethiopians whose interest is only getting advantage like money, a piece of land to build house and the freedom to do business without obstacles. No matter what, patriots are unbreakable and unalterable. Patriots prefer to die standing with their integrity than living on their knees.

These days I felt deep inside the urge to write especially after I heard the song “always keep a diamond in your mind” a song usually played during Christmas. The song of Tom Waits has bear a strong message which might enrich our soul and enable us to receive the New Year with positive thoughts, plans, feelings and optimism.

Oh always keep a diamond in your mind
You gotta always keep a diamond in your mind
Wherever you may wander
Wherever you may roam
You gotta always keep a diamond in your mind.

When I heard the song, the first question that struck me was “where and when a mind has become a jewelry box?” This song made me ask deep questions about what it means to keep a diamond in a mind and how we can turn our mind into a jewelry box.

Looking for an answer for the question ‘what it means to keep a diamond in a mind’, I ventured to think deeply about the qualities and characteristics of a diamond. The name diamond is derived from the Greek- adamas which means “Unbreakable”, “unalterable”. Diamond is renowned as the hardest natural crystal in the world. Beside, it has a great optical characteristics and high ability to disperse light of different colours. The transparency, luminous nature, hardness and the radiance of beauty has made a diamond the most expensive and precious jewelry in our planet.

It is quite common to hear people say: “think positive”, to someone who feels down and worried. I have experienced many times that many people including me don’t take these words seriously, as many of us don’t know what it really mean or don’t consider it as useful since we have many problems in our lives. When one is faced with many challenges and threatening situations, it is difficult to understand the meaning of positive thinking.

In many ways the human mind is as clear as crystal, transparent and radiant like a diamond. Many years ago I heard from one martial art instructor that our mind is like a lake. Water in a lake reflects a moon which is millions of miles away from the earth but if we drop a little stone in the water the waves will disturb the reflection and we can’t see the clear picture of the moon. As the wave from a little stone damages the reflection, negative thoughts damage our self-esteem and prevent us from being aware of our potentials, opportunities and strength to face challenges and problems effectively.

What many of us ignore is that, our thoughts and emotions, affect all aspects of our life. As Mahatma Gandhi said “A man is but the product of his thoughts. What he thinks, he becomes.” Learning to be mindful of our internal dialogue will help us recognize thought patterns and how they may be affecting the way we handle situations in our daily life. Thoughts like, “I could never do that”, “I am not good enough”, “I have no influence” , “What if I fail?”, “what if my compatriots betray me”, “what if my friends don’t like my action and turn against me” can seriously impact the way we behave. The stress associated with the negative internal dialogue, in turn, affects every aspect of our life. Sometimes our inner negative thoughts and feelings leave us with feelings of self-doubt; sometimes it will make us feel negative and critical of others.

When we dwell on negative thoughts it will separate us from our best self as well as from others. In my opinion our best personal selves come from a place of self love and acceptance. When we can truly love and accept ourselves we can also see other patriots around us as collaborators on our path of personal growth. The way I see it, it is love for our country, people, culture and religion which brings us closer and saw the seed of creativity in us. And it is love that takes us to a place where we can grow, learn and share the fruits of our labour with others.

Thinking and thoughts are powerful because human development is a direct result of thinking and thoughts. A very good example to this would be the invention of aeroplane which once was considered as foolish idea and unrealistic. We learn from history that thinkers like Leonardo Da Vinci had a vision of making flying machines in 1500s. At that age their idea was nothing more than wish and fantasy.
Even today many of us say “If I were a bird, I would fly” as if we couldn’t fly using heavy machinery that carry hundreds of people and tons of goods. Thinkers like Leonardo thought the impossible which was materialised 400 years later by other thinkers and visionaries. The thoughts and ideas we conceive today will slowly but surely bear fruit as long as we are consistent and determined to materialize them. When we look how the western countries support the Ethiopian dictatorial regime today and prolong the oppression and sufferance of Ethiopians, we may think that it is impossible to get rid of the system. But getting rid of the ethno-facist regime is not as hard as making airplanes, what we need first is a vision that assures us the downfall of TPLF oppressive regime. We need a vision which brings all patriotic Ethiopians together for a common goal. When we think positive, most of the time we harvest positive results, the impossible becomes possible and we move forward with new thoughts and ideas. It is only then that we realize that “if I were a bird, I would fly” thought is not merely fantasy but tangible reality.

In my opinion positive thinking and great vision are diamonds in a mind, they are unbreakable, unalterable, they make us shine and glitter, drive us to think and act and inspire us to make a difference in our and others’ lives . When we are occupied by positive thoughts and attitude we entertain pleasant feelings and constructive images, and see in our mind’s what we really want to happen. This brings brightness to the eyes, more energy, more determination and perseverance. We walk tall and our voice becomes powerful like the trumpets which destroyed the walls of Jericho. Our body language also displays the way we feel inside.
When I summarise my experience in 2012, I wish to call 2012 the year of empowerment and ‘can-do attitude’. I have never seen in my life when the “yes I can, yes you can and yes we can” attitudes were reflected among Ethiopian opposition groups. As bread and water nourish our body, great visions nourish our mind and heart. What we conceive in our mind and heart is what we are going to receive. We harvest what we produce in our mind. If we foster an image of defeat and failure, then we are going to live with defeated mentality. But if we develop an image of victory, success and determination, nothing will be able to keep those things away from us. Positive thinking, positive attitude, enlarged vision and willpower are diamonds we need to keep in mind. Then it is not only the diamond which shines but the jewellery box that contains the diamond is as precious and glamorous as the diamond itself.
Then, my friends before I say Merry Christmas and happy New Year I would like to remind you to always keep a diamond in your mind!
A person, people or nation without vision is like a boat on a dry land.
I love you!
Leoul Mekonen
Leoul.mekonen@gmail.com

ESAT WAZA ENA KUMENRGER 29 December 2012 Ethiopia

እሳት ዋዛና ቁም ነገር ከ አቤ ቶኪቻው ጋር

Ethiopian Journalist Fasil Yenealem (ESAT) and His Dream ...

Thursday, December 27, 2012

CNN on Meles Zenawi's Death / Must Watch /




CNN on Meles Zenawi's Death. Difference reports about Meles Zenawi's death from CNN. Erin Burnett of CNN and Others! Facebook -https://www.facebook.com/ethi...

Ginbot7 Popular Force (GPF) Formation


For Immediate Release
London, United Kingdom,
December 20, 2012

Ginbot7 Popular Force (GPF) makes official announcement on its formation and calls on all freedom loving Ethiopians to join the resistance against tyranny.
Ginbot7 Popular Force (GPF) announces its official formation and calls on the oppressed people of Ethiopia to join the resistance and rise up in arms against the Tigrai People Liberation Front (TPLF) led dictatorial regime of Ethiopia. GPF has taken this radical step because the alternative will be forfeiting to tyranny all rights and dignity associated with being human and a citizen of Ethiopia.
GPF believes that all civilised options for peaceful political engagement in Ethiopia are firmly shut by the regime in Addis Ababa.  The degree of terror that prevails inside the country has made the general public live in absolute fear and insecurity.
Under the prevailing conditions the only way that citizens of Ethiopia can bring about democratic change and make liberty and justice a reality for all is to use all available means, including arms, against the brutal dictatorship in Ethiopia.
GPF is committed to the forcible removal of the dictatorial regime of the TPLF, usher the condition for peaceful and democratic transition, play a part in the creation of a strong and capable national defence, security and police force whose only allegiance is to the constitution of the land, thereby, bringing an end to the existing affiliation of these institutions to the political forces in the country.
Finally, GPF urges the international community to refrain from bankrolling the criminal regime in Ethiopia and demand that donor countries use their financial leverage to exert pressure on the TPLF regime to stop its policy of terror that will seriously destabilize an already fragile situation in the Horn of Africa.

Ginbot7 Popular Force
Email – pr@ginbot7pf.org
Phone Number – +44 2081230056

Wednesday, December 26, 2012

ESAT Meade Esat Ethiopia Dec 24 2012

ታማኝ በየነ ማን ነው፥፥

አምስተርዳም የሚገኘው ጋዜጠኛ ደረጀ ሃብተወልድ የታማኝ በየነን ሂወት በቪዲዮ አስደግፎ በማለዳ እሳት ፕሮግራም ላይ እንዲህ አርጎ አቅርቦታል ይከታተሉት፥፥


Tuesday, December 25, 2012

ESAT Daily News Amsterdam 25 December 2012 Ethiopia

http://www.ethsat.com - Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) 
ESAT is the first independent Ethiopian Satellite Television service and Radio Station who broadcast to Ethiopia and the rest of the world



Tuesday, December 18, 2012

ESAT News Analysis 14 December 2012 Ethiopia

Esat a Must Listen News analysis on the 20-year long dispute between 2 synods (by Sisay Agena)






For Immediate Release: 16 Members of the European Parliament Call for the Release of Imprisoned Ethiopian Journalist Eskinder Nega


December 18, 2012
For Immediate Release
Contact: Patrick Griffith
+1 (202) 423-7925
pgriffith@freedom-now.org

16 Members of the European Parliament Call for the Release of Imprisoned Ethiopian Journalist Eskinder Nega

Washington, D.C.: Today, 16 members of the European Parliament issued a public letter to Ethiopian Prime Minster Hailemariam Desalegn expressing their grave concern regarding the continued detention of imprisoned journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega.
Arrested in 2011 and detained without access to an attorney for nearly two months, Mr. Nega was sentenced to 18 years in prison under the country’s broad 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation on July 13, 2012. Mr. Nega’s arrest and prosecution came after he wrote online articles and spoke publicly about the possibility of an Arab Spring-like movement taking place in Ethiopia. After his sentencing, the government initiated proceedings to seize his assets, including the home still used by his wife and young son. An appeal hearing in the case is scheduled for Wednesday, December 19th.
The letter, notes that the Ethiopian government has an obligation to uphold the right to free expression and reminds the newly appointed Prime Minister that he has “the unique opportunity to lead Ethiopia forward on human rights and bring the country fully within the community of nations.” The letter closes by urging the Prime Minister to take all measures within his power “to facilitate the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. Nega.”
“This is an important recognition by members of the European Parliament from across the political spectrum that the right to free expression is universal and must be respected by the Ethiopian government,” said Freedom Now Executive Director Maran Turner. “Mr. Nega has been wrongfully detained in Ethiopia in violation of his right to freedom of expression, and he must be released.”
The text of the letter is copied below and a full PDF of the letter can be found at the below link. Freedom Now, a legal advocacy organization that represents prisoners of conscience around the world, serves as international pro bono counsel to Mr. Nega.
###
Dear Prime Minister Desalegn,
We write to express our grave concern regarding the continued detention of independent Ethiopian journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega and urge you to facilitate his immediate release.
Mr. Nega, a longtime publisher and journalist, was arrested in 2011 and charged under the country’s 2009 Anti-Terror Proclamation after he wrote and spoke publicly about the Arab-Spring movements then unfolding across the Middle East and North Africa. Although clearly sympathetic, Mr. Nega consistently emphasized that any similar movements in Ethiopia must remain peaceful. Despite this, the government of your predecessor Prime Minister Meles Zenawi arrested Mr. Nega, held him without access to family for nearly one month and without access to an attorney for nearly two months, and ultimately sentenced him to 18 years in prison. Even now, reports indicate that proceedings are underway to seize Mr. Nega’s home, where his wife and young son continue to live.
Unfortunately, Mr. Nega is not alone—journalists Woubshet Taye and Reyot Alemu have also received long prison sentences on terror charges. In response to your government’s use of the 2009 Anti-Terror Proclamation against journalists and opposition leaders, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and five United Nations Special Rapporteurs—including the Special Rapporteur on counter-terrorism and human rights—have all expressed alarm at this worrying trend. As some have noted, the use of vague anti-terror legislation to silence legitimate expression threatens to seriously undermine the credibility of efforts to address real security threats to the region.
It is our understanding that appeal proceedings in Mr. Nega’s case are ongoing and we respect your need to allow the judicial process to continue. However, it is also your government’s obligation to respect the right to freedom of expression as established under customary international law and codified in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Ethiopia is a party.
You now have the unique opportunity to lead Ethiopia forward on human rights and bring the country fully within the community of nations. As such, we urge you to take all measures within your power to facilitate the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. Nega.
Sincerely,
Alexander Graf Lambsdorff
Ana Gomes
Charles Tannock
Eduard Kukan
Eija-Riitta Korhola
Emilio Menendez del Valle
Fiona Hall
Frank Engel
Kinga Gál
Laima Liucija Andrikienė
Maria Da Graça Carvalho
Mariya Gabriel

Monday, December 17, 2012

Ethiopia - Break The Silence (entertainment)



ክብራችንን በማንኛውም መስዋትነት ማስመለስ ያስፈልገናል

Friday, December 14, 2012

Tigray conference "We fought Amhara"




The man is saying there is a problem withing TPLF. He states they fought and toppled Amhara and the Amhara regime, but now power has been transferred from Amhara to Adwa.





Open letter to Ambassador Susan Rice by Abebe Gellaw


Dear Ambassador Rice, I have great admiration and respect for you. I believe that you have made the right decision not to bid for the position of U.S. Secretary of State. Although your commitment to serving your country with utmost integrity and passion is very commendable, some of your backstory is truly disturbing, especially your position of steadfast inaction during the height of the Rwandan genocide. 

Last September, you traveled to Ethiopia to attend the funeral of Ethiopia’s 21-year long dictator Meles Zenawi. Your eulogy has troubled and upset so many ordinary Ethiopians. You referred to Zenawi as a trustworthy friend to the U.S and you personally. That is fine! But according to you, “Meles was disarmingly regular, unpretentious, and direct. He was selfless, tireless and totally dedicated to his work and family.” You also claimed: “Among Prime Minister Meles’ many admirable qualities, above all was his world-class mind. A life-long student, he taught himself and many others so much. But he wasn’t just brilliant. He wasn’t just a relentless negotiator and a formidable debater.”
Yes, as a master of deception, he might have appeared selfless in front of global VIPs like yourself. Far from it, Meles Zenawi was an obstinate dictator who did not understand the language of diplomacy, negotiation and compromise. He killed, tortured and maimed countless Ethiopians. He divided the country along ethnic lines just to enforce his divide-and-rule policies. 
Your “brilliant” friend did not have a world-class mind, as you claimed. He was narrow-minded who could not see the world beyond his nose and power, no matter how eloquently he could speak. Your friend was not selfless, but a narcissist who did everything in his power to destroy critics and dissidents. 
It was even hurtful when you insensitively said: “He was tough, unsentimental and sometimes unyielding. And, of course, he had little patience for fools, or “idiots,” as he liked to call them…Meles was consistently reasoned in his judgments and thoughtful in his decisions; and, he was driven not by ideology but by his vision of a better future for this land he loved….” 
As a critic, I was among those whom he labeled as terrorists, idiots and fools. For Meles, any critic is a threat including the minors killed savagely in broad daylight for protesting his tyranny and brutality. Tens of thousands of others are languishing in jails even after his death. Those were the “idiots and fools” he seemed to have referred to insensitively and you echoed approvingly. 
Your eulogy for Zenawi was not only insensitive but also quite revealing as to your lack of commitment to the freedom of others that dictators like Zenawi robbed and destroyed. I am one of those countless Ethiopians abused, tortured and exiled by your “brilliant” friend. 
I honestly feel that the world is lighter and safer without the likes of Meles, Gaddafi or Mubarak. Your brilliant friend was in fact an idiotic despot who did not know how to treat his fellow countrymen fairly, respectfully and kindly.
I do believe that your eulogy for dictators will be more measured and reasoned in the future. I hope this would be a teachable moment for you to move forward. 
I wish you all the best. 
Best regards
Abebe Gellaw
Exiled Ethiopian journalist

Thursday, December 13, 2012

የተዋረደው ታሪክ (TPLF Government in Ethiopia degrading Amaras) Must Watch!

ESAT FEZ-RALIZM Ad

SMNE December 13, 2010




Dear Friends and Colleagues;

December 13, 2012 marks the 9-year anniversary of the brutal massacre of 424 disarmed Anuak in Gambella, Ethiopia by the TPLF/EPRDF Defense Forces armed with guns and militia groups armed with machetes. Not just the families of the victims, but all Anuak, will forever remember that dark day that brought so many pains, tears and suffering.

Even after 9 years, some widows, some fathers, some mothers and children are still waiting to bury their loved ones properly. Some day their bodies, which were buried in mass graves, will be exhumed and buried with proper respect by their families and loved ones. Someday a memorial of remembrance may be erected in Gambella in their honor, to remind people that behind every name on that memorial, is a human life, given as a precious gift from God, our Creator.

Such memorials may be erected all over Ethiopia where innocent lives of Ethiopians have been taken. Someday, a large monument—a wall of shame—could be erected in Addis Ababa with the names of the Anuak and the names of all other people throughout Ethiopia who have lost their lives at the hands of this government that devalues human life.

On this Anuak Memorial Day, Anuak in Gambella cannot join with Anuak in the Diaspora in observing this day. It is prohibited by the TPLF or EPRDF government. Instead, they will have to look forward to the day they will be able to join together in a service such as the ones being held in USA, Canada, Europe, Australia, Kenya, South Sudan and in other cities where there are Anuak where they are free to remember the death of more than 1500 other Anuak who were killed in the next two years following the December massacre.

Because public mourning is not allowed, those who want to remember family members, friends and community members who died, must quietly carry out some kind of observances within their homes and hearts.

This TPLF regime wants to erase it from the memory of the Anuak, but this will never happen. Someday, all the details will be revealed for all to see on the shame-filled pages of our Ethiopian history books. Until then, Anuak are still waiting for those responsible to be brought to justice. As one Anuak who lost a family member recently said, “the TPLF and it killers have moved on, but we will never stop grieving or rest until the killers have been brought to justice and until our family members are buried properly.”

For the Anuak people and supporters of the Anuak, let us all remember this day together. Let us take this day of sorrow and make it a day of reconciliation and healing among all peace-loving Ethiopians. This pain we feel was brought because of hate, anger, envy and greed and we want to create a different Ethiopia.

May God bless all of those who are remembering this day of tragedy and may God help bring about an Ethiopia where truth, justice, freedom, reconciliation and harmony prevail over death and destruction.

Please take a few minutes and watch this heartbreaking video below: The testimonies of survivors and other witnesses of the December 13th Massacre.http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uaZty97JXzU
Thanks so much for your never-ending support. Don’t give up. Keep your focus on the bigger picture and reach out to others and listen!
I am appealing to all my friends and colleagues to forward it to your friends. If you do, you will not just be giving a voice to our beautiful people, but you would be doing justice to our humanity. Knowing the truth is overcoming the first obstacle to freedom! 

Sincerely your severance,

Obang
Executive Director of SMNE
E-mail: obang@solidaritymovement.org
http://www.solidaritymovement.org
 
-------------------------------------------------
The Bible Says (Ecclesiastes 11:4), "
- If You Wait for Perfect Conditions, You Will Never Get Anything Done - "
" - One Action is More Valuable Than a Thousand Good Intentions -






Wednesday, December 12, 2012

32 ONLF Rebels and Ethiopian Forces killed in Dhagahbour – Diplomatic Source


(Ogadentoday Press)- A report says that clashes between ONLF, Ogaden National Liberation Front and a coalition of Ethiopian military and Liyu Police Troops erupted in the restive Ogaden region, Dhagahbour Zone on Tuesday.The sources said that 32 Ethiopian Troops and ONLF fighters killed in the fighting.According to a diplomatic source based In Jigjiga told Ogadentoday Press that ONLF troops attacked, a Labbiga, a small village near to Dhagaxbour, where Ethiopian Troops had a military camp, the ONLF troop’s ambush killed 30 Ethiopian coalition troops, while two ONLF fighters killed, the source confirmed.Ethiopian troops carried out a massive crackdown after the attack, some elders have been taken to prison; while some women are unknown where have been taken. Civilians in the area express concerns about the crackdown.
There was no immediate word on the situation Tuesday from ONLF and Ethiopian Government.ONLF has accused of Ethiopian troops committing human right abuses in the Ogaden, but Addis Ababa denied the accusation.Human right organizations labels Ogaden Region, as Darfur of Sudan.Meanwhile the Ethiopian Government and Somali Regional administration says that they want the development of Ogaden Region and the production of Oil and Gas, there are poor human right records in the region which International Community widely criticized.Thousands of civilians are detained in the region and hundred are killed for last months.Many flee in the Ogaden Region and registered the UNHCR offices in Kenya and Djibouti.There is no independent judicial system in the region, people in the regionbelieve they are under martial law.
Peace talks between Ethiopian and ONLF ended in the Kenyan capital without a breakthrough on October.Ethiopian Prime Minister Haile Mariam Deselam told Aljazeera Television that ONLF refused to accept the constitution.No agreement of precondition said, ONLF officials.The ONLF has been fighting for self-determination for the Ogaden since the 1970s, and Ogaden people in the region and Diaspora supports the vision of ONLF.Ogadentoday Press.

ESAT Daliy News-Amsterdam Dec. 12 2012 Ethiopia

(MUST WATCH) Message to Ethiopians

Saturday, December 8, 2012

ESAT Daliy News-Amsterdam Dec. 08 2012 Ethiopia

Denmark family adopted Masho and Roba Ethiopian kids touching story




Selling Ethiopian Children a profitable Business for Adaption Agency. African news: Over 5,000 Children are sold to foreigner from around the World – A very sad truth about a Multi Million $ business by bad Ethiopians which profit from this bad business.




Friday, December 7, 2012

A Summer for Ethiopia – A Scholar recounts his experience


The following post is written by William Luk. William is a Senior from Tufts University majoring in International Relations. He is a 2012 Oslo Scholar. He recounts his experience of working closely with Abebe Gellaw, in fighting internet censorship for Ethiopia.
This past summer has undoubtedly been a memorable one for Abebe Gellaw, theEthiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and Ethiopia at large, and definitely for me as well. After meeting Mr. Gellaw at the Oslo Freedom Forum in May as one of the Oslo Scholars, I became much more knowledgeable about the dire situation in Ethiopia. In many respects, the media censorship in Ethiopia is not only comparable but may even be worse than that of China, where I frequently travel to. This came as a surprise to me, as Western media has always portrayed Prime Minister Meles, the dictator of the African country, as an ally. Through Abebe and this experience, my perception of not only Ethiopia, but also the politics of the press has been changed dramatically.
After the Conference, I immediately began working with Abebe. Although I was based in Hong Kong while ESAT is in Washington D.C., I worked telecommunicatively. My major task was to research on the topic of radio signal jamming, which is frequently used by Ethiopian authorities against foreign press. It has been one of the major challenges to ESAT, which tries to broadcast information to Ethiopians back home. Through my research, I learned about the many types of radio jamming, as well as counter jamming technologies. In fact, much of the existing technology in Ethiopia was acquired from China, which has invested heavily in many African countries in past decades, with the help of the Chinese Central Authorities. While no single counter technology is foolproof, there are some methods of radio transmission that are more difficult to penetrate into. Unfortunately, there are costs and obstacles to implementing these methods.
I had a heartfelt moment when I heard that Abebe stood up in the middle of an event attended by Prime Minister Meles in Washington D.C. and shouted “Meles Zenawi is a dictator!” At that instance, Meles was rendered speechless. In the land of the free, Abebe has silenced the dictator that had silenced, and exiled him. I could not begin to imagine how he must have felt– thousands of emotions mixed together in an overall ecstasy – the thrill of free speech. This fundamental right that we take for granted, was exemplified by Abebe in that moment.
Meles died towards the end of the summer. His death was not reported until days after his actual death, which serves to show the suppression and manipulation of information by the Government in Ethiopia. This was good news to Ethiopians whose rights have been restricted or taken away because of his regime. There is no doubt that this is a huge turning point in history. The question lies in whether it will turn for the better, or the worse. After all, a dictator’s death could very well be the beginning of another.
Ethiopia will have many obstacles ahead, from extreme poverty and illiteracy to lacking infrastructure. But the greatest one is finding a leader who will find a solution to the aforementioned problems, instead of using them as a means to keep his power in place. There are now great expectations for Prime Minister Hailemariam, basically automatically elected as the Ethiopian People’s Revultionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) holds the majority in the Parliament. In the meantime, the Ethiopia Satellite Television and Abebe Gellaw have and will continue to do its best to deliver the truth to Ethiopians back home and around the world.
source: http://osloscholars.com/2012/09/26/a-summer-for-ethiopia-a-scholar-recounts-his-experience/

Thursday, December 6, 2012

ESAT : Swedish TV4 program about two Swedish journalists (Ethiopia)

http://www.ethsat.com - Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) 
ESAT is the first independent Ethiopian Satellite Television service and Radio Station who broadcast to Ethiopia and the rest of the world.



Monday, December 3, 2012

ESAT Tikuret Interview with Temesgen Dessalegn on current issues

Statement: USCIRF Deeply Concerned by Emerging Religious Freedom Violations in Ethiopia


FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
November 8, 2012| By USCIRF

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) is deeply concerned about the increasing deterioration of religious freedoms for Muslims in Ethiopia.  Since July 2011, the Ethiopian government has sought to force a change in the sect of Islam practiced nationwide and has punished clergy and laity who have resisted.  Muslims throughout Ethiopia have been arrested during peaceful protests: On October 29, the Ethiopia government charged 29 protestors with terrorism and attempting to establish an Islamic state.

“These charges are only the latest and most concerning attempt  by the Ethiopian government to crush opposition to its efforts to control the practice of religion by imposing on Ethiopian Muslims a specific interpretation of Islam,”  said USCIRF Commissioner Azizah al-Hibri.  “The individuals charged were among tens of thousands peacefully protesting the government’s violations of international standards and their constitutional right to religious freedom.  The Ethiopian government should cease interfering in the internal affairs of its Muslim community and immediately and unconditionally release those wrongfully imprisoned.”

Since July 2011, the Ethiopian government has sought to impose the al-Ahbash Islamic sect on the country’s Muslim community, a community that traditionally has practiced the Sufi form of Islam.   The government also has manipulated the election of the new leaders of the Ethiopia Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (EIASC).  Previously viewed as an independent body, EIASC is now viewed as a government-controlled institution.  The arrests, terrorism charges and takeover of EIASC signify a troubling escalation in the government’s attempts to control Ethiopia’s Muslim community and provide further evidence of a decline in religious freedom in Ethiopia.

“The U.S. government should raise with the new leadership in Addis Ababa the importance of abiding by Ethiopia’s own constitution and international standards on freedom of religion of belief.  USCIRF has found that repressing religious communities in the name of countering extremism leads to more extremism, greater instability, and possibly violence,” said USCIRF Chair Dr. Katrina Lantos Swett.  “Given Ethiopia’s strategic importance in the Horn of Africa and that Muslims account for more than one-third of all Ethiopians, it is vital that the Ethiopian government end its religious freedom abuses and allow Muslims to practice peacefully their faith as they see fit.  Otherwise, the government’s current policies and practices will lead to greater destabilization of an already volatile region.” 

Background

Ethiopian Muslims traditionally are Sufis.  Article 27 of the Ethiopian constitution guarantees religious freedom and “the independence of the state from religion.”  

However, due to a concern about the rise of Wahhabism in Ethiopia, the government in July 2011 brought al-Ahbash imams from Lebanon to train Ethiopian imams and Islamic school educators on that sect’s beliefs to teach their students and worshippers.  The government dismissed from their positions those who refused to be trained in or teach al-Ahbash and closed mosques andschools.  Beginning in December 2011, protests have been held almost every Friday outside of mosques after prayers.  While these demonstrations have taken place nationwide, they are centered at the Awalia Mosque and Islamic school in Addis Ababa.  

As the protests continued, an Arbitration Committee of 17 Islamic leaders was created this past spring to negotiate with the government about: 1) respecting the Ethiopian constitution’s guarantees of religious freedom; 2) ending government imposition of al-Ahbash on Ethiopian Muslims, while allowing al-Ahbash to operate equally with other religious communities; 3) re-opening and returning schools and mosques to their original imams and administrators; and 4) holding new elections for the EIASC, and having these elections take place  in mosques, rather than in neighborhood government community centers, to ensure that the community’s selections would be honored. 

By July, the negotiations had failed and the protests increased in both size and frequency.  In response, the Ethiopian government started to crack down on and intimidate the demonstrators, surrounding them with armed guards and conducting house-to-house searches.  Between July 13 and 21, the government arrested all 17 members of the Arbitration Committee and at least 70 protestors. (While the government has confirmed 70 people were arrested, demonstrators place the number in the hundreds).  Human rights organizations reported that the police used excessive force against individuals during the arrests and while in detention.  While many were released after being held for a short time, nine of the Arbitration Committee members remain in jail.  

The charges the government leveled on October 29 were the first issued against any of the arrested protestors, including the nine Arbitration Committee members who were not released with their colleagues in July.  The individuals charged were first detained and held in Maikelwai federal police detention center, which frequently houses political prisoners and is known for abusing prisoners, including torturing them during interrogations.  The individuals detained also were charged under the nation’s anti-terror law which has been used to target dissent, rather than to stop terrorism. 

Protestors now hold up yellow or white placards to signal that they are peaceful and to condemn the arrests and charges.  While the demonstrations largely have been peaceful, there have been a few violent incidents:  On October 21, 2011 four Muslims were killed as they stormed a jail attempting to free protestors and in April 2012 five people were killed protesting the dismissal of an imam who refused to propagate al-Ahbash.

To interview a USCIRF Commissioner please contact Samantha Schnitzer at sschnitzer@uscirf.gov or (202) 786-0613. 


Wednesday, November 28, 2012

Meles rules from beyond the grave, but for how long?



The trade-off offered by authoritarianism to its client-constituents is security and high growth rates. After Meles challenges may forcechange, or build the case domestically for a new strong man.
Meles Zenawi, the former Prime Minister of Ethiopia, has been dead for around three months. But the “Melesmania” personality cult, though discreet in his lifetime, shows no sign of fading. From giant portraits in the streets to stickers on the windscreens of almost any vehicle, a smiling Meles is still everywhere.
The sudden death of Meles shook the whole of Ethiopia. The shock quickly gave way to fear of an unknown and threatening future.
The regime did everything to exploit this fear for its own benefit. It has issued continuous calls for the nation to unite around the memory of the dead leader and, above all, around the project he designed and imposed with an iron hand. The new Prime Minister, Hailemariam Selassie, endlessly repeats that he will pursue “Meles’s legacy without any change”. He has replaced not a single cabinet minister. It could be said that the regime is running on autopilot, with the Meles software driving the leadership computer. Plunged into disarray, the governing team is hanging on to this software like a lifebelt. Why?
The making of Melesmania
Until the crisis of 2001, the handful of leaders of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant force in the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in power since 1991,[1] worked in a remarkably collective way.  Within this group Meles was – and not always – the primus inter pares, surrounded by strong, clever and articulate figures united by a radical Marxism. The crisis culminated in the expulsion of most of these figures, in a massive purge and finally in a threefold power shift.
The first shift saw Meles emerge as the unchallenged supremo, moving quickly to clip the wings of the few leaders who seemed to be acquiring a solid political base. He promoted only those whose loyalty he considered unshakeable, whose positions depended entirely on his goodwill, people like Hailemariam Dessalegn. Radiating outwards from a first circle of “advisers”, almost all Tigrayan, all the lines of real power penetrated down to the base of the State apparatus, whether federal or regional,[2]  to the Party and to whole sectors of the economy.
Although the government reflected the country’s ethnic diversity, most ministers had authority only in name. Parliament, as it had since 1991, remained a rubberstamp chamber. No institution was able to escape this dominance and achieve autonomy. Moreover, this personal power was also intellectual. The one politically correct doctrine (“revolutionary democracy” and the “developmental state”) was devised and imposed on the country by Meles and Meles alone. This monopoly prevented the emergence of any other body of ideas and, inevitably, of any alternative line of thinking.
The army and security services were represented within this central authority, which held sway over them. Later, although Meles Zenawi maintained a grip on the security forces, the army gradually became “bunkerized”, a sort of state within the State. Meles himself had to acknowledge the autonomy of the military command, by agreeing a kind of pact: I will grant you substantial autonomy, and in particular turn a blind eye to your wheeling and dealing; you support me, especially since if I fall, you fall with me. Hence, no doubt, the remarked upon reticence of the army during the recent period of succession, as if it felt so powerful that its fortress would remain impregnable, away from the turbulent currents within the new governing team. Hence, also, the procedure followed in announcing, on September 12, the appointment of 37 new generals – including at least 23 from Tigray – a reminder that no one, not even Hailamariam Dessalegn, can interfere in the affairs of the military.
The third change concerned the TPLF and, concomitantly, the EPRDF. It was contradictory. On the one hand, the tentacles of the single party penetrate to every level of the administration: it has consumed the State from the inside. Its agenda takes absolute precedence. The TPLF holds the key positions in the nationalised companies and the web of “private” firms that in reality it controls, the so-called “parastatal companies”. Overall, this structure accounts for two thirds of the modern economy, excluding traditional agriculture. With its 5 million members – 300,000 in 2001 – the Party controls and directs the population as never before, right down to the smallest echelon of five or six households. On the other hand, the Party has been marginalised as a political institution and therefore left lifeless, if not brainless. The TPLF, not to mention the three other satellite parties, were reduced to mere instruments for the exercise of Meles’ personal power, an essential institution but nevertheless no more than an instrument.
This extreme concentration of multifarious powers in the hands of Meles Zenawi is one of the darkest aspects of his legacy: his death leaves a profound and multifaceted vacuum. Conversely, however, it also opens up an exceptional opportunity for change. First, politics and power, like nature, abhor a vacuum. Second, the Meles “model” is running out of steam. It will inevitably have to be refashioned.
Challenging the regime to change
Contestation from the Muslim opposition poses the most immediate challenge, perhaps the most serious for the regime since 1991. In order to counter what it sees as the rise of radical Islam, it is seeking to impose a “moderate” but completely marginal Islamic doctrine and to back its affiliates within the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. Thirty-five percent of the population is officially Muslim[3] – the real figure is probably higher – along with around half of the Oromos, who also have strong aspirations to autonomy. Muslims, the vast majority of whom reject extremism of any kind, are calling – peacefully – for nothing more than the right to decide their religious affairs for themselves. The government is responding by repression. The stakes are huge: protest continues; so far, the government has never been ready to lose control of a large “civil society” organisation.
For a whole section of opinion, in particular within the diaspora, the major challenge that the regime will need to tackle and which will inevitably demand change is “the widespread democratic aspiration of Ethiopians”. But the scope and nature of this aspiration is open to question. The traditional and historical culture, which permeates the overwhelming majority of Ethiopian society, is still hierarchical and authoritarian. It is in perfect harmony with the “communist engineering” that moulded the TPLF from its inception and still shapes the ruling power.
With very few exceptions, the demand for a “strong leader”, who guarantees “peace and security”, is a national constant. Weak leadership opens the door to power struggles, which inevitably leads to “disorder” and the suffering that arises from it. Even the emerging middle class, usually seen as the spearhead of opposition to authoritarian regimes, largely shares this view. Whatever its criticisms of the regime, it desires stability above all. It largely believes that the country is too divided to undergo profound change without the risk of tragic turmoil.
Nevertheless, the aspiration for change is undeniable, though within certain limits. These relate first to inflation, which in September hit a peak of 40% overall, and 50% for food.[4] More profoundly, in this urban middle class and in the emerging group of “kulaks” in the countryside, this aspiration centres around what might be called personal professional empowerment, in other words: “let us go about our business as we want”, without the constant intervention and intrusion of the authorities, without having to swear fealty to the Party, without arbitrariness exacerbated by erratic and opaque regulations.
However, this change is not simply a matter of aspiration. Although the “developmental state”, in its current form, has brought remarkable progress, it has reached its limits. The first question concerns the reality of its achievements, notably the famous “double digit growth” since 2004, which the authorities constantly extol.[5] In fact, this figure is the product of a vicious circle. The government sets absurdly ambitious targets. The work of every public servant is assessed against those targets. Their careers depend on it. And of course, they claim to have achieved them. Then the targets are raised again. Once again, they claim to have met them. The lie becomes institutionalised. The gap between basic national realities and the image that the authorities perceive and communicate, from summit to base, has become so great that it could be said that Ethiopia has turn out to be not so much a Potemkin village, as a Potemkin country. Sooner or later, the authorities will have to deal with the shockwave that results when the truth inevitably comes out.[6]
Another shock will arise from the unsustainability of the funding of the developmental state. The government will no longer be able to invest enough to maintain growth at the same high levels as in recent years, unless it continues to print money, further fuelling inflation, or alternatively runs a continuing trade deficit, exacerbating its foreign currency crisis. But apart from stability, high growth is all the regime can offer in return for its authoritarianism. This is particularly true for the middle classes, which the regime wants as its constituency.
This is all the more significant because in the last generation the land has reached saturation point. Smallholder agriculture (employing four fifths of the workforce) is absolutely unable to absorb the 2 to 2.5 million young people who enter the labour market every year. Only massive private investment, mainly from abroad, can take up the slack.[7] However, this investment is slow to come because the Ethiopian-style developmental state distorts and inhibits normal market mechanisms too much for investors to be able to enjoy the entrepreneurial freedom they find elsewhere.[8]
Finally, the future of the Ethiopian-style developmental state is interlocked with the “national question”, whether in regard to the unresolved legacy of the conquest and submission of the borders of the Abyssinian empire at the turn of the 20th century, or to the unequal distribution of powers and assets in favour of the Tigrayans. The Ogaden National Liberation Front continues its armed struggle. The Oromo Liberation Front, although militarily a spent force, retains a large following.
After long containment, centrifugal forces are intensifying. The Oromo and Amhara elites in particular want a fairer balance. Two recent examples give a flavour of the tensions. The Oromo party does not want the chairman that the leadership wants to impose on it, but cannot impose the chairman that it wants. This deadlock was unthinkable when it was under Meles’ orders. Regions are beginning to demand a more tangible application of the federal system, in other words the beginnings of genuine autonomy, starting with… Tigray. However, in its current form, the ultra-centralism of the interwoven developmental state and revolutionary democracy is incompatible with authentic federalism.
To reshape either would threaten the very essence of power in Ethiopia, and its immemorial imperative: to control. This entails maintaining a constant and intrusive hold over the whole of society, with a single, ultimate and supreme goal: to retain power.
End of the "Meles line"? Four scenarios
However, the writing is on the wall. The “Meles line” will not always have an answer for everything. Forthcoming events will demand change, even the partial rejection of that line. An accumulation of tensions and conflicts, kept in check by Meles’ iron grip, will inevitably emerge. The floodgates are beginning to open. Never before, for example, has a major newspaper, whose survival depends on continuous self-censorship, dared to go so far in its criticism of the EPRDF. Beginning with a statement of fact – that the Front does not have “a popular base and support” – The Reporter then calls on the party “to clean up its house” because “it is riddled with corruption from top to bottom!”. A change of direction and a reshuffling of the cards seem inevitable. In my view, there are four possible ways these changes could go.
In one scenario, the current leaders, who largely equate to the dominant oligarchy, cling to their positions and privileges. Economic, social and political tensions rise. They respond with more repression, for which all the necessary instruments are in place. However, this does seem a likely scenario. According to confidences shared with people close to them, most are convinced that Meles’ death signals the end of an era and that the status quo is untenable.
A second possibility that cannot be completely ruled out, despite the leaden weight that bears down on society and the intense fear it arouses, is a popular, spontaneous and unforeseeable explosion, triggered by a minor incident, spreading like wildfire, fuelled by social and, in particular, ethnic tensions. The regime would spare no effort to suppress it, but could ultimately be overwhelmed by events.
In the developmental state, government revenues are certainly centralised at the top, but then largely redistributed to implement a long-term development plan, although this redistribution is becoming increasingly limited as corruption rises. Meles was the final guarantor of this redistributive process. Who, what political force, what counterbalancing element could protect Ethiopia from the predatory evolution observed in so many developing countries, in particular those where a “revolutionary elite” holds all the levers of power (in black Africa, for example, Angola or Mozambique)? In this third scenario, these revenues would continue to be centralised but would remain mostly with the central oligarchy, the residue being redistributed through a structure of cronyism. Growth could continue at a sufficient level for the oligarchic regime to survive, but “development” would fall by the wayside.
In the fourth scenario, this party/state control would be relaxed, obviously not to the point of genuine democratisation, but through some liberalisation in the economic sphere. More or less the Chinese “model”. Circumstances and events favour this scenario. Meles’ death has led to a fragmentation of power centres, which are weakly structured and cancel each other out, because none at this stage is in a position to take a lead. For example, no agreement could be reached on filling the only vacant cabinet post, that of Minister of Foreign Affairs. And for weeks no one was able to force Azeb Mesfin, wife of the late prime minister, to leave the National Palace, where she no longer had any reason to remain.
Contest at the top
The TPLF’s current leadership no longer has the intellectual capacity or sufficiently strong personalities to become what historically it was, at least in the short term: the epicentre of power, exercising full political hegemony. It has also been weakened by its many divisions. Divisions between “hardliners”, holding fast to their historic dominance, and “moderates”, for whom a relaxation is unavoidable; between Tigreans in Tigray and those outside; between generations, the “old timers” and the “fortysomethings”. The former include many who, sidelined by Meles in the name of generational change, want to get back into the game. However, they are old, and even in many cases physically enfeebled. The second group, recently promoted by Meles, and much less political than technocratic, individualistic, opportunistic and even – according to their detractors – cynical, have no intention of giving ground.
Two major factions can also be identified: one that the major losers of 2001 want to build (including Siye Abraha and Gebru Asrat,[9] who are still very popular with rank-and-file members of the Front), the other centred around its patriarch, Shebat Nega, a master schemer and long-time mentor of Meles before the latter marginalised him.
And finally, there is the enigma Azeb Mesfin. Fiery and unpredictable, she was the main troublemaker in the succession process, the leading figure in the minority that opposed the appointment of Hailemariam Dessalegn. She holds a strong hand, including an intimate understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of all the players, close links with the security services, leadership of the TPLF’s economic conglomerate and supporters amongst cadres of the Front, those who would have the most to lose if the cards were reshuffled.
A few other names stand out from the pack. The intelligent and highly respected Arkebe Enquay won more votes than Meles at the 2008 TPLF conference, but lost out in 2010. Debretsion Gebremichael is seen as the Front’s rising star. This young engineering graduate, a senior figure in the security services, has a reputation as a hardliner. His sudden promotion to number two in the Front is all the more significant in that the titular number one, Abay Wolde, is widely perceived as something of a cipher. And then finally, there are a pair of Amhara party bosses, Addissu Leguesse, its former chairman, and the ever-present Berket Simon, who was also very close to Meles.
However, understanding the game being played out at the top is exceptionally difficult, and not only because of the wall of secrecy around it. A political analysis provides only a small part of the picture. Much more important now are each player’s economic positions – since most of the leaders also have their own businesses – the very close family ties within the Tigrayan elite, geographical origins, personal friendships and enmities. The web these form is virtually impossible to untangle.
Nonetheless, three dominant poles seem to be emerging: the brainless but still tentacular TPLF, and the security services with their osmotic relations with certain leaders of the Front; the army, closely intertwined with the TPLF, though more ethnically than institutionally; and finally, the new Prime Minister.
Hailemarian Dessalegn has taken great care to stress his desire “to work on the basis of collective leadership”. In fact, within the small fringe of public opinion that has a view on the matter, he is seen almost unanimously as a transitional prime minister, a sort of regent accountable to what might be described as a “regency committee” comprising, according to sources, four to six members, all from the old guard and all but one from Tigray. The view is that Hailemariam’s interim mandate will end once the TPLF has finally designated the real successor. For the Front’s supremacy is still perceived as irrevocable and the history of Ethiopia as immutable: “collective leaderships” are temporary and unfailingly end with the ascent of a new “strong leader”.
A renewal of the authoritarian compact?
At 47, Dessalegn has stated that he wants to remain in post at least until the 2015 selections, and even that he may seek re-election. He is said to be intelligent, open, unshakeable in his principles, possessed of great natural authority. He appears as a Meles clone in terms of policy. But no one knows if he would be able to go his own way, develop his own doctrine, be his own man. He belongs to none of the three big ethnic groups. He is a Protestant. No Ethiopian leader has ever had to overcome these two handicaps. Could Medvedev step into Putin’s shoes?
His trump card is his twofold legitimacy. The first legitimacy he owes to Meles. Even his putative rivals, particularly within the TPLF, cannot at this stage contest this without undermining other aspects of the “great leader’s” legacy. It is doubtful that they would do so as long as Meles’ long shadow lies across the political stage. In addition, it is this legacy that continues to bind and guide the current leadership. And finally, it is this that they need to use to legitimise the maintenance of their current positions.
The second source of legitimacy is more deep-rooted and lasting. “The ruling king is my king”, as the saying goes. The whole country is impregnated with an ancestral sense of hierarchy, of submission to established authority. The aspiration for an incontestable and uncontested leader is strong. Hailemariam Dessalegn is now simultaneously executive leader and chair of what is essentially the single party, and therefore, at least in name, also heads the TPLF, the army and the security services. In this capacity, he has his hands on virtually all the institutional levers of power. These levers are not only intrinsic; their strength is also significantly increased by this ancestral sense of hierarchy. Finally, he stands at the summit of the infrastructure of absolute power passed on intact by Meles.
The forces facing him, for the moment at least, are disunited, scattered and disparate. There is no tangible, structured counterforce, underpinned by a strong base and possessing a strategy commensurate with the challenges. The army is in its bunker, but there is no reason why he should not find the same modus vivendi with it as Meles, especially as there is no sign of a Bonaparte waiting in the wings.
Finally, Hailemariam Dessalegn has the time to patiently forge his own position, if he has the capacity. There does not seem to be any single figure strong enough to open hostilities in the near future, or adventurous enough to take the country into the unknown.

[1] Its four components each represents a major ethnic group: Tigrayan (6% of the population), Oromo (37%), Amhara (23%) and the mosaic of Southern peoples (20%). The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front was the spearhead and major winner of the victory over the Derg military junta in 1991.
[2] Ethiopia is a federal republic.
[3] Compared with 41% Orthodox Christians and 20% Protestants.
[4] In a two-year period, civil servants lost around half their purchasing power. Peasants, half of whom are net buyers of food, often claim that “inflation is worse than prison”.
[5] Although, officially, the annual growth rate has been more than 10% since 2004, in reality it has been considerably less, probably some 6% to 7%. It continues to fall. “Even before the onset of the 2008 crisis, Ethiopia’s economy was already slowing down” (World Bank Report N°71884-ET, August 29, 2012).
[6] International organisations like the IMF, and large donor countries, have finally begun to doubt the official statistics, including those for growth rate and agricultural production. According to assessments by certain large international development institutions, official grain production is overstated by some 30%.
[7] Foreign direct investment is amongst the lowest in Sub-Saharan Africa per head of population.
[8] “Despite some positive developments in industry and service sectors, Ethiopia has been a difficult place to do business”, World Bank Report N°71884-ET, August 29, 2012.
[9] Siye Abraha was one of the founders of the Front and its leading military figure. Gebru Asrat, a historic leader of the TPLF, was the president of the Tigray region at the time of his expulsion.
source: http://www.opendemocracy.net