Thursday, December 25, 2014

Ethiopian short Comedy film

ሊታይ የሚገባው አጭር ፊልም፥

ጥሩ ነው ጅምሩ፣ ሁሌ ልማቱ፥ መንገዱ፥ ትራንስፎርሜሽኑ እያሉ ከማደንቆር አንዳንዴም እውነትን መናገር ግድ ይላል፥፥




Thursday, October 9, 2014

Abune Elias Interview By Zewdu Mengiste.Lucy Radio


''ሀገሪቷን ለመምታት ሲሉ መጀመርያ ቤተ ክርስቲያኗን መምታት አለባቸው ይሄ ነው ዓላማው ለእዚህም ከውስጡ ሊገዙ ይፈልጋሉ'' አቡነ ኤልያስ (ቪድዮ)

 አቡነ ኤልያስ -
        - በአቡነ ተክለሃይማኖት ፕትርክና ዘመን የፓትራሪኩ ልዩ ፀሐፊ ሆነው አገልግለዋል፣
        - በኬንያ፣ዑጋንዳ፣ጅቡቲ እና በበርካታ የዓለም ክፍሎች የኢትዮጵያ ኦ/ተ/ቤ/ክርስቲያንን ተክለዋል፣እንድትስፋፋ ደክመዋል፣
         - በአቡነ ተክለ ሃይማኖት ዘመን ጀምረው እስካሁን በሕይወት ላይ ካሉት አባቶች ውስጥ የቀሩት ናቸው፣
         - በሀገር ቤት አሁንም በጵጵስና ማዕረግ ካሉት እንደ አቡነ ገሪማ ያሉትን ምንኩስና የሰጡ እሳቸው ናቸው።

አቡነ ኤልያስ ከሉሲ ራድዮ አዘጋጅ ዘውዱ መንግስቱ ጋር ያደረጉት ቃለ ምልልስ -

Tuesday, September 30, 2014

Shots fired outside Ethiopian Embassy

WASHINGTON – Shots were fired outside the Embassy of Ethiopia in D.C. on Monday afternoon. Fox News: ESAT TV an Ethiopian television network caught the shooting on camera while they were covering a protest at the embassy.
 
It happened around 12:15 p.m., according to the U.S. Secret Service.
Officers responded immediately after hearing reports of shots being fired, and they detained and questioned an Ethiopian guard who works at the embassy. He is believed to have fired the shots.
An Ethiopian television network caught the shooting on camera while they were covering a protest at the embassy. FOX 5’s Maureen Umeh has been told similar anti-government protests happen frequently here and are usually peaceful. However, some protesters went onto embassy grounds on Monday and taunted the guard. He responded by firing warning shots, one of which struck a woman’s car and shattering her front window.

No injuries were reported.
The Embassy of Ethiopia is located at 3506 International Drive, NW.

Tuesday, July 15, 2014

ቅን መሆን ካልቻልክ ፤ ቅንቅን ከመሆን ተቆጠብ !! ካልሆነ ዋጋ ትከፍላለህ ,,,

ቅን መሆን ካልቻልክ ፤ ቅንቅን ከመሆን ተቆጠብ !!
ካልሆነ ዋጋ ትከፍላለህ ,,, የሚለው አባባል በደንብ መስተዋል ያለበት ነጥብ አለው፣ ተመችቶኛል፥

በአሁኑ ሰአት አሸባሪውን የወያኔ መንግስት ለመጣል በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት፥ እኩልነት፥ ፍትህ፥ ዲሞክራሲ እና ነፃነት ስም ላለፉት 23 ምናምን አመታት፥ ምናልባትም ከዛ በላይ በአንድነት ስም የሚታገሉ፥ ወይም ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እንሰራለን የሚሉ በጣም ብዙ ከብዙም ብዙ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች እንዳሉ ይታወቃል፥

ይሁን እንጂ አላማቸው ለሃገራችንና ለወገናችን ከሆነ፥ ወያኔን አባረው ስልጣንን ለህዝብ ማስረከብ ከሆነ፥ ለምን አብረው በሚስማሙባቸው ነጥቦች ላይ ብቻ እንኳን ለመስራት ተሳናቸው፥ ?

እንደውም አሁን አሁን በስሜ እየነገዱ ሁሉ ያለ ነው የሚመስለኝ፥ ወይንም በቃ ለሆቢ ይመስላል፥

ሌላው አስጊው ነገር ደሞ ትንሽ ማህበረሰብ ወስጥ ሁሉንም አቻችሎና ተስማምቶ መስራት ሳይቻል፥ የሚፈለገው ስልጣንስ ቢመጣ ምን ሊፈጠር እንደሚችል መገመት አያስቸግርም፥፥

ስለዚህ ምን መደረግ አለበት?

በአንድነት ስም ተደራጅተው፥ በኢትዮጵያ ስም ተደራጅተው ግን እርስ በእርስ እየተወነጃጀሉ፥ አንዱ ያንዱን ስራ ለማበላሸት እየታገለ፥ / ወይም በፖለቲካ ቋንቋ እየተጠላለፈ/  እስከመቼ.....

መሮናል....መሮናል......መሮናል.....በቃ....በቃ......በቃ......

በሃገር ቤትም ሆነ በውጭ ተደራጅተው ያሉ አካላቶች እንደ ኢሳት ያሉ የህዝብ ሚዲያዎች ላይ መተው ወይንም ስብሰባ መድረክ ላይ ቁጭ ብለው እራሳቸውን፥ አላማቸውን / ምን ሊያደርጉልን እንዳሰቡ/፥ ይንገሩን፥ ከዛ ደሞ በአንድነት ተቀራርበው ሰርተው ያሳዩን፥

ይህ ነገር ከዚህ በኋላ ግድ ነው፥፥ አይ አይሆንም እኔ ብቻዬን ነው የምሰራው፥ ደስ ሲለኝ ብቻ እዛ የፈረደበት ዌብሳይት ላይ ወይንም ብሎግ ላይ መግለጫ ብቻ ነው የማወጣው የሚሉ ካሉ፥ በሃገር ስም የሚቀልዱ ካሉ፥ እነሱም ከወያኔ እኩል ግዜው ሲደርስ ተጠያቂ መሆናቸው አይቀርም፥

በቃን ወያኔም ሆነ 80 የተቃዋሚ ድርጅት መሮናል!

Meleket Radio ቆይታ ከከፍተኛ አሰልጣኝና አብራሪ ካፖቴን ተሾመ ተንኮሉ ጋር

Friday, May 16, 2014

Freeing Ethiopia's Zone 9 Bloggers











Freeing Ethiopia’s Zone 9 Bloggers

Nine bloggers and journalists, four of them Global Voices members, are currently being detained in Ethiopia because of their work. Who are the Zone 9 bloggers? What can supporters do to push for their release? Join us this Friday as we talk with Ethiopian blogger and Zone 9 member Endalk, along with Advox staff and other guests about this important case.

Sunday, May 4, 2014

Amnesty for asylum seekers in Norway on the 200th years of celebration day of the Norwegian Constitution on 17th may 2014



Gedion D. 
 
Make the day beautiful

This is the best opportunity for Norway

It's all  about forgiveness, love, 

Nothing to lose 


The Norwegian Constitution of May 1814 is the oldest European constitution that is still in use, and the second oldest in the world – behind the American, by which it was inspired. On May 17th this year, we celebrate its bicentenary.

The celebration is an opportunity to shed light on:

  • Norway’s historical and international role in the development of democracy and law.
  • Issues concerning human rights, freedom of speech, gender and equality.
  • Smaller nations’ right to independence with respect to the influence of major countries whose decisions and actions have ramifications far beyond their own borders.
  • The constitution was a symbol of independence from Norway’s neighboring countries.

What Norway and Norwegians can do for the asylum seekers who fled from their countries regarding  luck of democracy and law, human right abuse, freedom of speech, and equality.

·         Asylum Seekers who escaped from torture, prison, intimidation, sexual abuse, and many other reasons.

  • ·         Asylum Seekers who have been living in Norway for more than decades.

  •        Asylum seekers who have been working and paying taxes to Norway for many years.

  •               Asylum seekers who have been established a family and even some of them bought a house.

  •          Children who have been born and grow up in Norway

  •          Asylum seekers who needs a medical treatment but couldn`t get it. 


Monday, April 7, 2014

SURVEILLANCE IN ETHIOPIA IS BAD NOW, BUT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH REPORT WARNS IT COULD GET WORSE

BY Jessica McKenzie
Last week Human Rights Watch published a 100+ page report on government surveillance in Ethiopia that explains how the authorities use technology from countries like China, Germany and Italy to spy on opposition members, dissidents and journalists, even after they flee the country.
Ethiopia’s Information Minister, Redwan Hussein, dismissed the report. “There is nothing new to respond to,” Hussein said, according to the AFP.
Felix Horne, who co-authored the HRW report with Cynthia Wong, told techPresident that is simply not true. “[Ethiopian authorities] often castigate HRW for their coverage on Ethiopia,” Horne said.
“There’s always been a perception [in Ethiopia] that phone calls and email are monitored,” Horne explained, but they did not have the evidence until recently, or a good idea of how it was used. The government, Horne said, “has completely unfettered access to the metadata of all phone calls, and can record calls at the click of a mouse.”
The report details how the information gleaned from phone calls—both metadata and content—is being used against people for offenses as small as talking politics with your brother.
Not all of this technology is new and cutting-edge. In 2011, reporter Jennifer Valentino-Devries looked into the “off the shelf” surveillance market for the Wall Street Journal. By 2012, the Journal had pulled together a “catalog” of the kind of technologies available to governments around the world. They also posted attendance sheetsfrom surveillance industry trade conferences.
(In 2011, Jerry Lucas, whose company runs a surveillance trade show,told the Journal “We don’t really get into asking, ‘Is this in the public interest?’”)
Between 2007 and 2009, the Ethiopian Ministry of Defense, Information Network Security Agency, Ministry of the Interior, and the Federal Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission attended four industry conferences, where they could attend training sessions on “exploiting computer and mobile vulnerabilities for electronic surveillance” and meet with representatives of companies like FinFisher, which was boasting about being able to monitor Skype calls as early as 2011.
University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, which collaborated with HRW on research for the Ethiopia report, has found servers for FinSpy, one of FinFishers surveillance products, in 25 countries, including Ethiopia.
The most advanced tool the Ethiopian government has probably acquired since 2012 is ZTE’s ZSMT monitoring system, which can centralize surveillance across multiple platforms: phone lines, mobile networks and the Internet. I write “probably” because ZTE, a Chinese telecom giant, would not confirm the purchase to HRW.
“The technical capacity of surveillance is very high,” Horne said, “but what they’re doing with it is somewhat limited by a lack of human capacity—how to effectively use the tools—and a lack of trust between key government departments. But the net effect is the same. When people have a perception that they are being watched, they self-censor.”
Horne added that sometimes he calls someone in the country and they use “so many code words that 10 minutes in you don’t understand what you’re talking about.”
Many of the surveillance tactics described in the report sound downright thuggish, like forcing people to give up their phone and email or social media passwords upon arrest. A police officer explainedto Horne and Wong that they simply do not need to use technology because they have a sprawling network of informants. “We know everything,” the officer said. “Nothing happens without someone knowing.”
But, hypothetically, if they didn’t know where someone was? The officer explains it is as simple as calling the federal police and having them get in touch with Ethio Telecom, the sole telecom company in Ethiopia, and they will provide the person’s location.
This is not really a story about cutting-edge cyber tools run amok—not yet at least. Internet penetration in Ethiopia is still less than two percent.
This is mostly a story about a country with a state-owned telecom monopoly, a robust network of informants, even in largely disconnected rural areas, a lack of privacy protections for its citizens, and a history of human rights abuses.
However, the report warns that that could be just the beginning: “Ethiopians may increasingly experience far more prevalent unlawful use of phone and email surveillance should the government’s human capacity increase.”
“One of our big asks,” said Horne, “is that these kinds of technologies be included in lists of things that might require an export license.”
That and, to paraphrase nearly two pages of recommendations for the government of Ethiopia, “Will you pretty please start respecting the rights of your citizens?”
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network and the UN Foundation for their generous support of techPresident’s WeGov section.
Source:Indepth Africa

Saturday, March 8, 2014

I demokratiets navn: Land grabbing og folkemord i Etiopia

Etiopias diktaturregime beskyldes for omfattende menneskerettighetsbrudd. Likevel har Norge, som eneste vestlige land, signert en bilateral avtale med den etiopiske etterretningstjenesten om tvangsretur av flyktninger.

http://www.frontlineclub.no/?page_id=1271

Abdullahi Husseins unike videodokumentasjon  som avslører grove overgrep utført av landets regime.
Abdullahi porträttAbdullahi Hussein var tidligere rådgiver for president Abdi Muhamud Omar og sjef for den regionale TV-kanalen Cakaara News, frem til han måtte søke politisk asyl i Sverige. Han risikerer livet sitt for demokratiet og ytringsfriheten ved å offentliggjøre videodokumentasjon smuglet ut fra det etiopiske diktaturet – dokumentasjon som vitner om folkemord i delstaten Ogaden.  Han forteller om forholdene i delstaten, håndteringen av bevismaterialet og prosessen opp mot den internasjonale straffedomstolen Haag.
Obang Metho_2Obang Metho, som lever i eksil i Canada, utmerker seg som den fremste og mest forsonende etiopiske menneskerettighetsaktivisten. Med bakgrunn i annuakfolket i Gambellaregionen har han vært dypt engasjert i menneskerettighetsbruddene tilknyttet land grabbing. Han er en samlende kraft i en situasjon der forskjellige etniske grupper spilles opp mot hverandre i det som i verste fall kan utvikle seg til en borgerkrig. Han er dømt in absentia til 18 års fengsel.
Solveig Syversen gir innblikk i en dokumentarfilm under arbeid om det etiopiske eksilsamfunnet og returavtalen med den etiopiske etterretningstjenesten.
Ordstyrer: Marius von der Fehr, New Frontiers.
Debatten arrangeres i samarbeid med NEW FRONTIERS, som er en serie av offentlige møter basert på ideen om det åpne akademiet; en egalitær diskusjon i en åpen setting. New Frontiers fokuserer på potensialet i møter mellom mennesker, måter å knytte samtalene til allerede eksisterende praksisformer og genereringen av nye ideer og handlinger.

Saturday, February 15, 2014

Wednesday, January 29, 2014

Ethiopia - Land for Sale

As the economy thrives, we examine the plight of Ethiopians forced from their land to make way for foreign investors.


Just a few decades ago, Ethiopia was a country defined by its famines, particularly between 1983-1985 when in excess of half a million people starved to death as a consequence of drought, crop failure and a brutal civil war.
Against this backdrop, it is impressive that in recent years, Ethiopia has been experiencing stellar economic growth. The headline statistics are certainly remarkable: the country is creating millionaires faster than any other in Africa; output from farming, Ethiopia’s dominant industry, has tripled in a decade; the capital Addis Ababa is experiencing a massive construction boom; and the last six years have seen the nation’s GDP grow by a staggering 108 percent.
But it is not all positive news, because for all the good figures there are still plenty of bad ones.
Around 90 percent of the population of 87 million still suffers from numerous deprivations, ranging from insufficient access to education to inadequate health care; average incomes are still well below $1500 a year; and more than 30 million people still face chronic food shortages.
And while there are a number of positive and genuine reasons for the growth spurt - business and legislative reforms, more professional governance, the achievements of a thriving service sector - many critics say that the growth seen in agriculture, which accounts for almost half of Ethiopia’s economic activity and a great deal of its recent success, is actually being driven by an out of control ‘land grab', as  multinational companies and private speculators vie to lease millions of acres of the country’s most fertile territory from the government at bargain basement prices. 
At the ministry of agriculture in Addis Ababa, this land-lease programme is often described as a "win-win" because it brings in new technologies and employment and, supposedly, makes it easier to improve health care, education and other services in rural areas. 
"Ethiopia needs to develop to fight poverty, increase food supplies and improve livelihoods and is doing so in a sustainable way," said one official.
But according to a host of NGO’s and policy advocates, including Oxfam, Human Rights Watch and the Oakland Institute, the true consequences of the land grabs are almost all negative. They say that in order to make such huge areas available for foreign investors to grow foodstuffs and bio-fuels for export - and in direct contravention of Ethiopia’s obligations under international law - the authorities are displacing hundreds of thousands of indigenous peoples, abusing their human rights, destroying their traditions, trashing the environment, and making them more dependent on food aid  than ever before.
"The benefits for the local populations are very little," said renowned Ethiopian sociologist Dessalegn Rahmato. "They’ve taken away their land. They’ve taken away their natural resource, because these investors are clearing the land, destroying the forest, cutting down the trees. The government claims that one of the aims of this investment was to enable local areas to benefit by investing in infrastructure, social services … but these benefits are not included in the contract. It's only left up to the magnanimity of the investor."
And those investors, he continued, are simply not interested in anything other than serving their own needs: "They can grow any crop they want, when they want it, they can sell in any market they want, whether it’s a global market or a local market. In fact most of them are not interested in the local markets.” 
He cited as an example a massive Saudi-owned plantation in the fertile Gambella region of south west Ethiopia, a prime target area for investors: "They have 10,000 hectares and they are producing rice. This rice is going to be exported to the Middle East, to Saudi Arabia and other places. The local people in that area don’t eat rice."
But the most controversial element of the government’s programme is known as 'villagisation' - the displacement of people from land they have occupied for generations and their subsequent resettlement in artificial communities.
In Gambella, where two ethnic groups, the Anuaks and the Nuers, predominate, it has meant tens of thousands of people have been forced to abandon a traditional way of life. One such is Moot, an Anuak farmer who now lives in a government village far from his home.
"When investors showed up, we were told to pack up our things and to go to the village. If we had decided not to go, they would have destroyed our crops, our houses and our belongings. We couldn't even claim compensation because the government decided that those lands belonged to the investors. We were scared … if you get upset and say that someone stole your land, you are put in prison. If you complain about being arrested, they will kill you. It's not our land anymore; we have been deprived of our rights."
Despite growing internal opposition and international criticism, the Ethiopian government shows no sign of scaling the programme back. According to the Oakland Institute, since 2008, an area the size of France has already been handed over to foreign corporations. Over the next few years an area twice that size is thought to be earmarked for leasing to investors.
So what does all this mean for the people on the ground? In Ethiopia – Land for Sale, filmmakers Veronique Mauduy and Romain Pelleray try and find out.

Source:
Al Jazeera

Friday, January 17, 2014

Secret Wikileaks Cable Reveals Recent Bombings in Addis Ababa the Work of Meles Zenawi's regime

SUBJECT: ETHIOPIA: RECENT BOMBINGS BLAMED ON OROMOS POSSIBLY THE WORK OF GOE


Classified By: CHARGE VICKI HUDDLESTON FOR REASONS 1.4(b)AND(d).

¶1. (S) SUMMARY A series of explosions were reported in Addis Ababa on September 16, killing three individuals. The GoE announced that the bombs went off while being assembled, and that the three dead were terrorists from the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) with links to the Oromo National Congress (ONC). 

An embassy source, as well as clandestine reporting, suggests that the bombing may have in fact been the work of GoE security forces. END SUMMARY

¶2. (U) On September 16, three bomb explosions were reported in the Kara Kore area of Addis Ababa. The explosions were heard at 4:45 a.m., 7:00 a.m., and 10:00 a.m. The National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), together with the Federal Police Anti-terror Task Force later reported that the bombs were "part of a coordinated terror attack by the OLF and Sha’abiya (Eritrea) aimed at disrupting democratic
development.” The NISS said that the intended terror plot had failed and the bombs had mistakenly gone off while the suspects were preparing them while hiding out at an illegally built house. 


Two of the suspects died immediately, while another died on the way to the hospital. One other is in critical condition. The police task force reported having others in custody related to the plot and that evidence shows
the terrorists had ties to Oromo groups – the Mecha and Tulema Association (MTA) and the ONC. They also said that the bombs used contained parts sourced from Eritrea and were consistent with bombs used in previous terrorist attacks.

¶3. (S) On September 20, Dr. Merera Gudina (strictly protect), the former leader of the ONC (and a typically reliable information source), contacted Post to report that the deceased had not died not while constructing a bomb, but rather at the hands of GoE cadres. Dr. Merera said that the men had been picked up by police a week prior, kept in detention and tortured. He said police then left the men in a house and detonated explosives nearby, killing 3 of them. He did not indicate whether the men were ONC or OLF affiliated.

¶4. (S) Clandestine reporting indicates that the bombs did not explode inside the structure, but rather appear to have been placed outside and detonated. 


[Ambassador Vicki] HUDDLESTON