Ethiopia: The Prototype African Police State

The sights and sounds of an African police state

When Erin Burnett of CNN visited Ethiopia in July 2012,she came face-to-face with the ugly face of an African police state:

We saw what an African police state looked like when I was in Ethiopia last month… At the airport, it took an hour to clear customs – not because of lines, but because of checks and questioning. Officials tried multiple times to take us to government cars so they’d know where we went. They only relented after forcing us to leave hundreds of thousands of dollars of TV gear in the airport…

Last week, reporter Solomon Kifle of the Voice of America (VOA-Amharic) heard the terrifying voice of an  African police state from thousands of miles away. The veteran reporter was investigating widespread allegations of targeted night time warrantless searches of homes belonging to Ethiopian Muslims in the capital Addis Ababa. Solomon interviewed victims  who effectively alleged home invasion robberies by “federal police” who illegally searched their homes and took away cash, gold jewelry, cell phones, laptops, religious books and other items of personal property.

One of the police officials Solomon interviewed to get reaction and clarification was police chief Zemedkun of  Bole (an area close to the international airport in the capital).

VOA: Are you in the area of Bole. The reason I called…

Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. You are correct.

VOA: There are allegation that homes belonging to Muslim Ethiopians have been targeted for illegal search and seizure. I am calling to get clarification.

Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes (continue).

VOA: Is it true that you are conducting such a search?

Police Chief Zemedkun: No, sir. I don’t know about this. Who told you that?

VOA: Individuals who say they are victims of such searches; Muslims who live in the area.

Police Chief Zemedkun: If they said that, you should ask them.

VOA: I can tell you what they said.

Police Chief Zemedkun: What did they say?

VOA: They said “the search is conducted by police officers; they [the police] threaten us without a court order; they take our property, particularly they focus on taking our Holy Qurans and mobile phones. Such are the allegations and I am calling to get clarification.

Police Chief Zemedkun: Wouldn’t it be better to talk to the people who told you that? I don’t know anything about that.

VOA: I just told you about the allegations the people are making.

Police Chief Zemedkun: Enough! There is nothing I know about       this.

VOA: I will mention (to our listeners) what you said Chief Zemedkun. Are you the police chief of the sub-district ( of Bole)?

Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. I am something like that.

VOA: Chief Zemedkun, may I have your last name?

Police Chief Zemedkun: Excuse me!! I  don’t want to talk to anyone on this type of [issue] phone call. I am going to hang up. If you call again, I will come and get you from your address. I want you to know that!! From now on, you should not call this number again. If you do, I will come to wherever you are and arrest you. I mean right now!!

VOA: But I am in Washington (D.C)?

Police Chief Zemedkun: I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!

VOA: Are you going to come and arrest me?

End of  interview.

Meles’ legacy: mini Me-leses, Meles wannabes and a police state

Flying off the handle, exploding in anger and igniting into spontaneous self-combustion is the hallmark of the leaders of the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia. The late Meles Zenawi was the icon of spontaneous self- combustion. Anytime Meles was challenged on facts or policy, he would explode in anger and have a complete meltdown.

Just before Meles jailed virtually the entire opposition leadership, civil society leaders and human rights advocates following the 2005 elections for nearly two years, he did exactly what police chief Zemedkun threatened to do to VOA reporter Solomon. Congressman Christopher Smith, Chairman of the House Africa Subcommitte in 2005 could not believe his ears as Meles’ arrogantly threatened to arrest and jail opposition leaders and let them rot in jail. Smith reported:

Finally, when I asked the Prime Minister to work with the opposition and show respect and tolerance for those with differing views on the challenges facing Ethiopia he said, ‘I have a file on all of them; they are all guilty of treason.’ I was struck by his all-knowing tone. Guilty! They’re all guilty simply because Meles says so?  No trial? Not even a Kangaroo court?  I urged Prime Minister Meles not to take that route.

In 2010, Meles erupted at a press conference by comparing the Voice of America (Amharic) radio broadcasts to Ethiopia with broadcasts of Radio Mille Collines which directed some of the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Pointing an accusatory finger at the VOA, Meles charged: “We have been convinced for many years that in many respects, the VOA Amharic Service has copied the worst practices of radio stations such as Radio Mille Collines of Rwanda in its wanton disregard of minimum ethics of journalism and engaging in destabilizing propaganda.” (It seems one of Meles’ surviving police chiefs is ready to make good on Meles’ threat by travelling to Washington, D.C. and arresting a VOA reporter.)

Meles routinely called his opponents “dirty”, “mud dwellers”, “pompous egotists” and good-for-nothing “chaff” and “husk.” He took sadistic pleasure in humiliating and demeaning parliamentarians who challenged him with probing questions or merely disagreed with him. His put-downs were so humiliating, few parliamentarians dared to stand up to his bullying.

When the European Union Election Observer Group confronted Meles with the truth about his theft of the May 2010 election by 99.6 percent, Meles had another public meltdown. He condemned the EU Group for preparing a “trash report that deserves to be thrown in the garbage.”

When Ken Ohashi, the former country director for the World Bank debunked Meles’ voodoo economics in July 2011, Meles went ballistic: “The individual [Ohashi) is used to giving directions along his neo-liberal views. The individual was on his way to retirement. He has no accountability in distorting the institutions positions and in settling his accounts. The Ethiopian government has its own view that is different from the individual.” (Meles talking about accountability is like the devil quoting Scripture.)

In a meeting with high level U.S. officials in advance of the May 2010 election, Meles went apoplectic telling the diplomats that “If opposition groups resort to violence in an attempt to discredit the election, we will crush them with our full force; they will all vegetate like Birtukan (Midekssa) in jail forever.”

Meles’ hatred for Birtukan Midekssa (a former judge and the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history), a woman of extraordinary intelligence and unrivalled courage, was as incomprehensible as it was bottomless. After throwing Birtukan in prison in 2008 without trial or any form of judicial proceeding, Meles added insult to injury by publicly calling her a “chicken”. When asked how Birtukan was doing in prison, Meles, with sarcastic derision replied, “Birtukan Midiksa is fine but she may have gained weight due to lack of exercise.” (When Meles made the statement, Birtukan was actually in solitary confinement in Kality prison on the ridiculous charge that she “had denied receiving a pardon” when she was released in July 2007.) When asked if he might consider releasing her, Meles said emphatically and sadistically, “there will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That's a dead issue.”

Internationally acclaimed journalists Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye are all victims of arbitrary arrests and detentions. So are opposition party leaders and dissidents Andualem Arage, Nathnael Mekonnen, Mitiku Damte, Yeshiwas Yehunalem, Kinfemichael Debebe, Andualem Ayalew, Nathnael Mekonnen, Yohannes Terefe, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher and many others.

Police chief Zemedkun is a mini-Me-les, a Meles wannabe. He is a mini tin pot tyrant. Like Meles, Zemedkun not only lost his cool but also all commonsense, rationality and proportionality. Like Meles, Zemedkun is filled with hubris (extreme arrogance which causes the person to lose contact with reality and feel invincible, unaccountable and above and beyond the law). Zemedkun, like Meles, is so full of himself that no one dare ask him a question: “I am the omnipotent police chief Zemedkun, the Absolute Master of Bole; the demigod with the power of arrest and detention.  I am Police Chief Zemedkun created in the divine likeness of Meles Zenawi!”

What a crock of …!

When Meles massacred 193 unarmed protesters and wounded 763 others following the elections in 2005, he set the standard for official accountability, which happens to be lower than a snake’s knee. For over two decades, Meles created and nurtured a pervasive and ubiquitous culture of  official impunity, criminality, untouchability, unaccountablity, brutality, incivility, illegality and immorality in Ethiopia.

The frightening fact of the matter is that today there are tens of thousands of mini-Me-leses and Meles wannabes in Ethiopia. What police chief Zemedkun did during the VOA interview is a simple case of monkey see, monkey do. Zemedkun could confidently threaten VOA reporter Solomon because he has seen Meles and his disciples do the same thing for over two decades with impunity. Zemedkun is not alone in trashing the human rights of Ethiopian citizens.  He is not some rogue or witless policeman doing his thing on the fringe. Zemedkun is merely one clone of his Master. There are more wicked and depraved versions of Zemedkun masquerading as ministers of state.  There are thousands of faceless and nameless “Zemedkunesque” bureaucrats, generals, judges and prosecutors abusing their powers with impunity. There are even soulless and heartless Zemedkuns pretending to be “holy men” of faith. But they are all petty tyrants who believe that they are not only above the law, but also  that they are the personification of the law.

Article 12 and constitutional accountability

Article 12 of the Ethiopian Constitution requires accountability of all public officials: “The activities of government shall be undertaken in a manner which is open and transparent to the public… Any public official or elected representative shall be made accountable for breach of his official duties.”

Meles when he was alive, and his surviving disciples, police chiefs, generals and bureaucrats today are in a state of willful denial of the fact of constitutional accountability. (Meles believed accountability applied only to Ken Ohashi, the former World Bank country director.) The doltish police chief Zemedkun is clueless not only about constitutional standards of accountability for police search and seizure in private homes but also his affirmative constitutional obligation to perform his duties with transparency. This ignoramus-cum-police chief believes he is the Constitution, the law of the land, at least of Bole’s. He has the gall to verbally terrorize the VOA reporter, “I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!”

Freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention, unbeknown to police chief Zemedkun, is guaranteed by Article 17 (Liberty) of the Ethiopian Constitution: “No one shall be deprived of his liberty except in accordance with such procedures as are laid down by law. No one shall be arrested or detained without being charged or convicted of a crime except in accordance with such procedures as are laid down by law.” Article 19 (Rights of Persons under Arrest) provides, “Anyone arrested on criminal charges shall have the right to be informed promptly and in detail… the nature and cause of the charge against him... Everyone shall have the right to be… specifically informed that there is sufficient cause for his arrest as soon as he appears in court. Zemedkun is ready to arrest the VOA reporter simply because the reporter asked him for his last name. What arrogance! What chutzpah!

It is a mystery to police chief Zemedkun that arbitrary deprivation of liberty is also a crime against humanity. Article 9 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights decrees that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights similarly provides: “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” The deprivation of physical liberty (arbitrary arrest) constitutes a crime against humanity under Art. 7 (e) and (g) of the Rome Statute if there is evidence to show that the deprivation occurred as  a result of systematic attack on a civilian population and in violation of international fair trial guarantees. The statements of the victims interviewed by VOA reporter Solomon appear to provide prima facie evidence sufficient to trigger an Article 7 investigation since there appears to be an official policy of systematic targeting of  Muslims for arbitrary arrest and detention as part of a widespread campaign of religious persecution. The new prosecutor for the International Criminal Court, Fatou B. Bensouda, should launch such an investigation in proprio motu (on her own motion).

Meles has left an Orwellian legacy in Ethiopia. Police chief Zemedkun is only one policeman in a vast police state. He reaffirms the daily fact of life for the vast majority of Ethiopians that anyone who opposes, criticizes or disagrees with members of the post-Meles officialdom, however low or petty,  will be picked up and jailed, and even tortured and killed. In “Mel-welliana” (the Orwellian police state legacy of Meles) Ethiopia, asking the name of a public official is a crime subject to immediate arrest and detention!  In “Mel-welliana”, thinking is a crime. Dissent is a crime. Speaking the truth is a crime. Having a conscience is a crime. Peaceful protest is a crime. Refusing to sell out one’s soul is a crime. Standing up for democracy and human rights is a crime. Defending the rule of law is a crime. Peaceful resistance of state terrorism is a crime.

A police chief, a police thug  and a police thug state

It seems police chief Zemedkun is more of a police thug than a police chief. But listening to Zemedkun go into full meltdown mode, one cannot help but imagine him to be a cartoonish thug. As comical as it may sound, police chief Zemedkun reminded me of Yosemite Sam, that Looney Tunes cartoon character known for his grouchiness, hair-trigger temper and readiness to “blast anyone to smithereens”. The not-so-comical part of this farce is that police chief Zemedkun manifests no professionalism, civility or ethical awareness.  He is obviously clueless about media decorum. Listening to him, it is apparent that Zemedkun has the personality of a porcupine,  the temper of a Tasmanian Devil,  the charm of an African badger, the intelligence of an Afghan Hound and the social graces of a dung beetle. But the rest of the high and mighty flouting the Constitution and abusing their powers like Zemedkun are no different.

The singular hallmark -- the trademark -- of a police thug state is the pervasiveness and ubiquity of arbitrary arrests, searches and detentions of citizens. If any person can be arrested on the whim of a state official, however high or petty, that is a police state. If the rights of citizens can be taken or disregarded without due process of law, that is a dreadful police state. Where the rule of law is substituted by the rule of a police chief, that is a police thug state.

For well over a decade, international human rights organizations and others have been reporting on large scale  arbitrary arrests and detentions in Ethiopia. The 2011 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (issued on May 24, 2012) reported:

Although the constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the government often ignored these provisions in practice… The government rarely publicly disclosed the results of investigations into abuses by local security forces, such as arbitrary detention and beatings of civilians… Authorities regularly detained persons without warrants and denied access to counsel and in some cases to family members, particularly in outlying regions… Other human rights problems included torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches…

In its 2013 World Report, Human Rights Watch reported: “Ethiopian authorities continued to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly in 2012… The security forces responded to protests by the Muslim community in Oromia and Addis Ababa, the capital, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and beatings.”

Rarely does one hear human rights abusers publicly showing their true faces and confirming their victims' allegations in such breathtakingly dramatic form. Police chief Zemedkun gave all Ethiopians a glimpse of the arrogant and lawless officialdom of Post-Meles Ethiopia. It is a glimpse of a police state in which an ignorant local police chief could feel so comfortable in his abuse of power that he believes he can travel to the United States of America and arrest and detain a journalist working for an independent agency of the United States Government. If this ill-mannered, ill-bred, cantankerous and boorish policeman could speak and act with such impunity, is it that difficult to imagine how the ministers, generals, prosecutors, judges and bureaucrats higher up the food chain feel about their abuses of power?

But one has to listen to and read the words of those whose heads are being crushed by the police in a police state. When it comes to crushing heads, themodus operandi is always the same. Use “robocops”.  In 2005,  Meles brought in hundreds of police and security men from different parts of the country who have limited proficiency in the country’s official language and used them to massacre 193 unarmed protesters and wound another 763. These “robocops” are pre-programmed killing machines, arresting machines and torture machines. They do what they are told. They ask no questions. They shoot and ask questions later. Hadid Shafi Ousman, a victim of illegal search and seizure, who spoke to VOA reporter Solomon,  recounted in chilling detail what it meant to have one’s home searched by “robocop” thugs and goons who do not speak or have extremely limited understanding the official language of the country:

These are federal police. There are also civilian cadres. Sometimes they come in groups of 5-10. They are dressed in federal police uniform…. They are armed and carry clubs. They don’t have court orders. There  are instances where they jump over fences  and bust down doors… When they come, people are terrified. They come at night. You can’t say anything. They take mobile phones, laptops, the Koran and other things… They cover their faces so they can’t be identified. We try to explain to them. Isn’t this our country? If you are here to take anything, go ahead and take it…. They beat you up with clubs. If you ask questions, they beat you up and call you terrorists… First of all, these policemen do not speak Amharic well. So it is hard to understand them. When you ask them what we did wrong, they threaten to beat us. I told them I am a university student, so what is the problem? As a citizen, as a human being…Even they struggled and paid high sacrifices [fighting in the bush] to bring about good governance [to the people]. They did not do it so that some petty official could harass the people. When you say this to them, they beat you up…

Let there be no mistake. Zemedkun is not some isolated freakish rogue police chief  in the Ethiopian police state. He is the gold standard for post-Meles governance. There are thousands of Zemedkuns that have infested the state apparatus and metastasized through the body politics of that country. For these Meles wannabes, constitutional accountability means personal impunity; illegal official activity means prosecutorial immunity; moral depravity means moral probity and crimes against humanity means legal  impunity.

Cry, the beloved country

In 1948, the same year Apartheid became law in South Africa, Alan Paton wrote in “Cry, the Beloved Country”, his feeling of despair over the fate of South Africa:

Cry for the broken tribe, for the law and the custom that is gone. Aye, and cry aloud for the man who is dead, for the woman and children bereaved. Cry, the beloved country, these things are not yet at an end. The sun pours down on the earth, on the lovely land that man cannot enjoy. He knows only the fear of his heart.”

Cry for our beloved Ethiopia!!

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.

Previous commentaries by the author are available at:

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/

www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/

Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:

http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic

http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

Tags: 2011 u.s. state department country reports on human rights practices ethiopia, 2013 world report, alan paton cry beloved country, alemayehu g mariam, andualem arage, andualem ayalew, article 12 ethiopia constitution, article 17 ethiopian constitution, article 7 (e) (g) rome statute, article 9 1948 universal declaration of human rights, article 9 international covenant on civil and political rights, birtukan judge, birtukan midekssa, birtukan prison, congressman christopher smith ethiopia, erin burnett cnn ethiopia, eskinder nega, ethiopia accountability, ethiopia african police state, ethiopia apartheid, ethiopia arbitrary arrest detention, ethiopia corruption, ethiopia european union election observer group, ethiopia federal police, ethiopia hadid shafi ousman, ethiopia massacre 193, ethiopia meles radio mille collines, ethiopia police state, ethiopia robocops, ethiopia thug state, ethiopia zemedkun police chief, ethiopian muslims illegal search homes, international criminal court fatou b. bensouda, ken ohashi ethiopia, kinfemichael debebe, meles mel-welliana, meles police state, mitiku damte, nathnael mekonnen, politics, reeyot alemu,solomon kifle voice of america, voice of america ethiopia, woubshet taye, yeshiwas yehunalem, yohannes terefe,zerihun gebre-egziabher

ጆሮ ያለው ይስማ!!!

አባ አምሃ እየሱስ ቃለ ምልልስ ከ አበበ በለው ጋር፥



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L5JG1hJvZBc

The TPLF Agenda

The price of the so called war on terror on journalists in Ethiopia is high

The case of the US vs Bradley Manning

Why have the US media shied away from covering the source of the WikiLeaks material yet gouged on his information?

Our feature takes us to Ethiopia where the US ‘war on terror’ has provided cover for laws that are being used to silence dissident journalists. Reeyot Alemu is one of those journalists – she has been sentenced to five years in jail. Foreign reporters have also been charged under anti-terrorism laws for daring to communicate with opposition groups. The Listening Post’s Nic Muirhead takes a closer look.

US Private Bradley Manning is no longer the alleged source of all those documents to WikiLeaks. According to his own testimony, delivered before a military court on February 28, Manning was the source – nothing alleged about it.

In a pre-trial hearing for the first time, Manning admitted that he broke the law when he released around 700,000 government documents to WikiLeaks but these lesser charges did not satisfy the United States government. Calling more than 100 witnesses – some anonymously and in closed hearings – prosecutors will argue that Manning’s leak put national security and lives at risk by ‘aiding the enemy’. If convicted, Manning – the traitor, could face life without parole but what of Manning – the whistleblower?

During his hour-long plea, Manning told the court that he first turned to the national press. Before approaching WikiLeaks, Manning says he contacted the New York Times, the Washington Post and Politico – neither of which returned his calls. His testimony raises the question of whether the mainstream press was prepared to host the debate on US interventions and foreign policy that Manning had in mind.

Media outlets went on to draw on WikiLeaks for some of the biggest news stories of the decade. Manning’s leak meant millions of papers sold and pages viewed yet the story of the man himself has been pushed to the margins. Is this just ingratitude or something more sinister? Are important parts of the fourth estate signing up for a system of government-media relations that sees whistleblowers as enemies of the state?

To discuss Manning’s testimony and the implications for journalism and freedom of speech our News Divide guests this week are: Chase Madar, author of ‘The Passion of Bradley Manning’; Jesselyn Radack, whistleblower and activist; Ed Pilkington, a reporter for the Guardian; and Janet Reitman, a Rolling Stone columnist.

In NewsBytes this week: Two more journalists gunned down in Pakistan; the Somalian journalist on trial for reporting on rape gets six months in jail; Myanmar’s hopeful media opening under threat; and the French government in a flap over coverage of the war in Mali.

Our feature takes us to Ethiopia where the US ‘war on terror’ has provided cover for laws that are being used to silence dissident journalists. Reeyot Alemu is one of those journalists – she has been sentenced to five years in jail. Foreign reporters have also been charged under anti-terrorism laws for daring to communicate with opposition groups. The Listening Post’s Nic Muirhead takes a closer look.

We close with a musical take on the WikiLeaks story from a region that has been a better friend to Julian Assange than some other parts of the world. Perhaps Assange is tapping his toes to ‘El Son de los WikiLeaks’ while counting the days in the Ecuadorian embassy.

Tamagne Guest of Honor in Atlanta

By Mahidre Andinet PR

ATLANTA, Georgia -- The renowned human rights activist Tamagne Beyne will address Ethiopians living in metro Atlanta, Georgia on Saturday March 9, 2013 on the current alarming situation in Ethiopia.

Tamagne who returned on Wednesday from a marathon fund raising events in Europe for ESAT will come to Atlanta as guest speaker on the occasion of 17th anniversary celebration of Mahidere-Andinet radio program.
According to the organizing committee, members of the Ethiopian Muslim community of metro Atlanta will join hands with their Christian brethren for a common cause of democracy and justice.
Mahidere-Andinet , a pioneer in Amharic broadcasting in Atlanta, has paved the way for others to follow suit. It has become a norm Representatives of the Muslim and Christian religions across the Ethiopian Diaspora
The 17th anniversary celebration of Mahidere -Andinet and the subsequent fund raising event "would be a remarkable and huge event" one observer noted, adding that Tamagene does not simply oppose the TPLF-led regime, bur uncovers the hard facts about the decadent administration in Addis Ababa.

ESAT intervue with Tagay Zena, from Ginbot 7 Popular force

Could there be a change on Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law after a visit by Ms. Karen Hanrahan?

Ms. Karen Hanrahan, U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, visited Ethiopia from February 24-27, 2013. During her trip, she met with government and judicial officials, representatives of Ethiopian civil society, international and Ethiopian non-governmental organizations, and the media. In addition to her meetings in Addis Ababa, she also traveled to Jijiga and Dire Dawa for meetings with regional officials.

According to the US Embassy’s press statement sent to Awramba Times, the purpose of Ms. Karen Hanrahan’s visit was to learn firsthand about the current economic, political and human rights situation in Ethiopia. Deputy Assistant Secretary Hanrahan conveyed the United States’ commitment to working with the Ethiopian government and civil society to strengthen democracy and improve respect for human rights in Ethiopia.

She explored possible areas of cooperation in strengthening the justice sector. She also sought to better understand the impact the Charities and Societies Proclamation has had on the activities of Ethiopian civil society organizations, as well as the impact of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation on freedom of expression and association in Ethiopia. Her visit to the Somali Region highlighted U.S. interests in promoting peace, development and respect for human rights there.
Could this visit really have an impact on the country’s anti-terrorism law?

Main Play List on Home Page (spilleliste)

Canada urged to stop Ethiopia from evicting villagers

A rights' watchdog is urging Canada and fellow aid donors to pressure Ethiopia into ending an abusive and systematic practice of forcing rural villagers off their land.

A report released Tuesday by New York-based Human Rights Watch blasts the Horn of Africa country for its "villagization" program that it says has forcibly relocated 70,000 indigenous people, and aims to move 1.5 million by next year.

The forced expulsions have cut villagers off from food sources, basic health services while forcing them to endure abuse from the Ethiopian army, the report alleges.

An Ottawa-based researcher and author interviewed more than 100 Ethiopians during a clandestine investigation last year that accuses their country's leaders of sacrificing its own tribes to broader foreign corporate interests.

Researcher Felix Horne says the situation violates Canada's own Official Development Assistance Accountability Act, which says all aid spending must meet international human-rights standards.

Canada gives Ethiopia about $170M annually

Ethiopia is the third-largest recipient of foreign aid from Canada, at about $170 million a year.

Horne told The Canadian Press he had off-the-record discussions with officials at the Canadian International Development Agency, or CIDA, about his findings, but got little meaningful response.

Ethiopia is forcing locals off their land, so they can offer up millions of hectares of fertile farmland to foreign companies from countries such as China, India and Saudi Arabia for large-scale farm factories, said Horne.

"Canada is a huge donor to Ethiopia so they have an obligation to ensure that Ethiopia is not doing these sorts of things," he said.

Ethiopia has a democratically elected government, but Prime Minister Meles Zenawi exerts totalitarian control over the country. He was one of several African leaders that Prime Minister Stephen Harper hosted in a outreach session of the 2010 G8 summit in Muskoka.

Still, Ethiopia is one of CIDA's two-dozen "focus" countries and it is among the poor countries that receives funding related to the Harper government's signature child and maternal health initiative.

Canada also assists Ethiopia with food security and agricultural programs.

"The fact of the matter is people are absolutely starving," said Horne. "The villagization program is lessening food security in the region."

'The fact of the matter is people are absolutely starving. The villagization program is lessening food security in the region.'— Researcher Felix Horne

Zenawi's government is trying to improve access to schools, clinics and other services by moving rural farmers to more controlled villages.

The four regions of Ethiopia where this is happening are the four regions where there is extensive land investment for foreign companies, said Horne.

The report says the first round of forced relocations saw people moved to areas with dry, poor soil. Seed, fertilizer and temporary food assistance was not forthcoming from the government, causing hunger and starvation, the report says.

Villagers who refuse to leave beaten by soldiers

Horne's interview subjects told him they built new huts in their new villages under careful military supervision. Sometimes the army had to resort to beatings and other coercion to force villagers to comply.

One villager quoted in the report said soldiers beat his father with the butt of their guns when he refused to leave his land.

"He said, 'I was born here — my children were born here — I am too old to move so I will stay,"' the report says.

Jan Egeland, a senior director at Human Rights Watch, said donor money is being used "directly or indirectly, to fund the villagization program."

Donors have a responsibility to ensure that their donations are not being used for that purpose, added Egeland, the Norwegian-born diplomat, who became a high-profile United Nations humanitarian rights undersecretary.

"The villagization program is being undertaken in the exact same areas of Ethiopia that the government is leasing to foreign investors for large-scale commercial agricultural operations," Egeland said in a statement. "This raises suspicions about the underlying motives of the villagization program."

A spokesman for Canada's International Co-operation Minister Bev Oda did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

One year ago, Oda's department announced a project to enhance agricultural development in Ethiopia.

"Canada is proud to be working with the World Bank and other donors to support Ethiopia's Agricultural Growth Program. Well-targeted investments in areas such as rural infrastructure and stronger linkages to markets can help to transform subsistence farmers into commercial producers," Deepak Obhrai, Oda's parliamentary secretary, said in a Jan. 28, 2011, statement.

Obhrai was announcing a five-year CIDA funding commitment of nearly $19 million toward an agricultural growth program for small farmers in 83 Ethiopian districts.

source: © The Canadian Press

Ethiopian Youth National Movement - The People Need Change!

ESAT : Insight London Dr. Trevor Trueman (Ethiopia)

ESAT Gidey Zeratsion on Meles Zenawi Death & Ethiopia futureAugust 2012 ...

ESAT : Insight Felix Horne, Consultant at Human Rights Watch(Ethiopia)

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Human Rights Watch World Report 2013 – Ethiopia

Ethiopia

Source: Human Rights Watch World Report 2013,  pp  114-120

The sudden death in August 2012 of Ethiopia’s long-serving and powerful prime minister, Meles Zenawi, provoked uncertainty over the country’s political transition, both domestically and among Ethiopia’s international partners. Ethiopia’s human rights record has sharply deteriorated, especially over the past few years, and although a new prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, took office in September, it remains to be seen whether the government under his leadership will undertake human rights reforms.

Ethiopian authorities continued to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly in 2012. Thirty journalists and opposition members were convicted under the country’s vague Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009.The security forces responded to protests by the Muslim community in Oromia and Addis Ababa, the capital, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and beatings.

The Ethiopian government continues to implement its “villagization” program: the resettlement of 1.5 million rural villagers in five regions of Ethiopia ostensibly to increase their access to basic services. Many villagers in Gambella region have been forcibly displaced, causing considerable hardship. The government is also forcibly displacing indigenous pastoral communities in Ethiopia’s Lower Omo Valley to make way for state-run sugar plantations.

Freedom of Expression, Association, and Assembly

Since the promulgation in 2009 of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO Law), which regulates nongovernmental organizations, and the AntiTerrorism Proclamation, freedom of expression, assembly, and association have been increasingly restricted in Ethiopia. The effect of these two laws, coupled with the government’s widespread and persistent harassment, threats, and intimidation of civil society activists, journalists, and others who comment on sensitive issues or express views critical of government policy, has been severe.  Ethiopia’s most important human rights groups have been compelled to dramatically scale-down operations or remove human rights activities from their man dates, and an unknown number of organizations have closed entirely. Several of the country’s most experienced and reputable human rights activists have fled the country due to threats. The environment is equally hostile for independent media: more journalists have fled Ethiopia than any other country in the world due to threats and intimidation in the last decade—at least 79, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

The Anti-Terrorism Proclamation is being used to target perceived opponents, stifle dissent, and silence journalists. In 2012, 30 political activists, opposition party members, and journalists were convicted on vaguely defined terrorism offenses. Eleven journalists have been convicted under the law since 2011.

On January 26, a court in Addis Ababa sentenced both deputy editor Woubshet Taye and columnist Reeyot Alemu of the now-defunct weekly Awramaba Times to 14 years in prison. Reeyot’s sentence was later reduced to five years upon
appeal and most of the charges were dropped.

On July 13, veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega, who won the prestigious PEN America Freedom to Write Award in April, was sentenced to 18 years in prison along with other journalists, opposition party members, and political
activists. Exiled journalists Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash were sentenced to eight years each in absentia under a provision of the Anti-Terrorism Law that has so far only been used against journalists. Andualem Arage, a member of the registered opposition party Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), was sentenced to life for espionage, “disrupting the constitutional order,” and recruitment and training to commit terrorist acts.

In September, the Ethiopian Federal High Court ordered the property of Eskinder Nega, exiled journalist Abebe Belew, and opposition member Andualem Arage to be confiscated.

On July 20, after the government claimed that reports by the newspaper Feteh on Muslim protests and the prime minister’s health would endanger national security, it seized the entire print run of the paper. On August 24, Feteh’s editor, Temesghen Desalegn was arrested and denied bail. He was released on August 28, and all the charges were withdrawn pending further investigation.

Police on July 20 raided the home of journalist Yesuf Getachew, editor-in-chief of the popular Muslim magazine Yemuslimoche Guday (Muslim Affairs), and arrested him that night. The magazine has not been published since, and at this writing, Yesuf remained in detention.

On December 27, 2011, two Swedish journalists, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson, were found guilty of supporting a terrorist organization after being arrested while traveling in eastern Ethiopia with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an outlawed armed insurgent group. They were also convicted of entering the country illegally. The court sentenced them to 11 years in prison. On September 10, they were pardoned and released along with more than 1,950 other prisoners as part of Ethiopia’s annual tradition of amnesty to celebrate the Ethiopian New Year.

On several occasions in July, federal police used excessive force, including beatings, to disperse largely Muslim protesters opposing the government’s interference with the country’s Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs. On July 13, police forcibly entered the Awalia mosque in Addis Ababa, smashing windows and firing tear gas inside the mosque. On July 21, they forcibly broke up a sit-in at the mosque. From July 19 to 21, dozens of people were rounded up and 17 prominent leaders were held without charge for over a week. Many of the detainees complained of mistreatment in detention.

Forced Displacement

The Ethiopian government plans to relocate up to 1.5 million people under its “villagization” program, purportedly designed to improve access to basic services by moving people to new villages in Ethiopia’s five lowland regions: Gambella, Benishangul-Gumuz, Afar, Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR), and Somali Region.

In Gambella and in the South Omo Valley, forced displacement is taking place without adequate consultation and compensation. In Gambella, Human Rights Watch found that relocations were often forced and that villagers were being moved from fertile to unfertile areas. People sent to the new villages frequently have to clear the land and build their own huts under military supervision, while the promised services (schools, clinics, water pumps) often have not been put in place.

In South Omo, around 200,000 indigenous peoples are being relocated and their land expropriated to make way for state-run sugar plantations. Residents reported being moved by force, seeing their grazing lands flooded or ploughed up, and their access to the Omo River, essential for their survival and way of life, curtailed.

Extrajudicial Executions, Torture and other Abuses in Detention

An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force known as the “Liyu Police” executed at least 10 men who were in their custody and killed 9 other villagers in Ethiopia’s Somali Region on March 16 and 17 following a confrontation over an incident in Raqda village, Gashaamo district.

In April, unknown gunmen attacked a commercial farm owned by the Saudi Star company in Gambella that was close to areas that had suffered a high proportion of abuses during the villagization process. In responding to the attack, Ethiopian soldiers went house to house looking for suspected perpetrators and threatening villagers to disclose the whereabouts of the “rebels.” The military arbitrarily arrested many young men and committed torture, rape, and other abuses against scores of villagers while attempting to extract information.

Human Rights Watch continues to document torture at the federal police investigation center known as Maekelawi in Addis Ababa, as well as at regional detention centers and military barracks in Somali Region, Oromia, and Gambella. There is erratic access to legal counsel and insufficient respect for other due process guarantees during detention, pre-trial detention, and trial phases of politically sensitive cases, placing detainees at risk of abuse.

Treatment of Ethiopian Migrant Domestic Workers

The videotaped beating and subsequent suicide on March 14 of Alem Dechasa Desisa, an Ethiopian domestic worker in Lebanon, brought increased scrutiny to the plight of tens of thousands of Ethiopian women working in the Middle East.

Many migrant domestic workers incur heavy debts and face recruitment-related abuses in Ethiopia prior to employment abroad, where they risk a wide range of abuses from long hours of work to slavery-like conditions (see chapters on the
United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Lebanon).

Key International Actors

Under Meles Zenawi’s leadership, Ethiopia played an important role in regional affairs: deploying UN peacekeepers to Sudan’s disputed Abyei area, mediating between Sudan and South Sudan, and sending troops into Somalia as part of the international effort to combat al-Shabaab. Ethiopia’s relations with its neighbor Eritrea remain poor following the costly border war of 1998-2000. Eritrea accepted the ruling of an independent boundary commission that awarded it disputed territory; Ethiopia did not.  Ethiopia is an important strategic and security ally for Western governments, and the biggest recipient of development aid in Africa. It now receives approximately US$3.5 billion in long-term development assistance each year. Donor policies do not appear to have been significantly affected by the deteriorating  human rights situation in the country.

The World Bank approved a new Country Partnership Strategy in September that takes little account of the human rights or good governance principles that it and other development agencies say are essential for sustainable development. It also approved a third phase of the Protection of Basic Services program (PBS III) without triggering safeguards on involuntary resettlement and indigenous peoples.

Source: Human Rights Watch World Report 2013,  pp 114-120

ESAT Ethiopia: Discussion on TPLF and terrorism charges

The Massacre of Ethiopians by TPLF & OLF - A Must Watch Interview!

EOTC in Exile issues Statement of Declaration

EOTC in Exile ; February 23, 2013

ln the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen"
Statement of Declaration from the Leqal Holy Synod of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church in Exile on the Upholding of the Church's Cannon Law and the Return of His Holiness Patriarch Abune Merkorios to the Throne from which He was lllegallv Ousted
"Be subject therefore unto God; but resist the devil, and he will flee from you." (James 4:71)

At its 34th biannual conference held in Novemher of 2A72 in Columbus, Ohio, the Legal Holy Synod-in-Exile passed a resolution affirming that a special session---a follow-up to the latest peace ond reconciliation efforts within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewoheda Church --would be held in Los Angeles. Accordingly, the Synod held the meeting on January 7-9, 2073. Following is the Synod's statement of declaratian based on deliberations made at that meeting.
Introduction
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has remained true to its dogma and practices for centuries. The Church has passed on its legacy from generations to generations, starting first with the evangelism of Eunuch, the treasurer of Queen Candace of Ethiopia, who went to Jerusalem to worship the God of lsrael, and later through the missionary work of Abba (Bishop) Fremenatos. Venerated highly by religious scholars and experts throughout the world and regarded as the sources of pride and hope by the Ethiopian Orthodox faithful, the Church has sustained its historic existence for the past two thousand years under the blessings and care of God. However, we are not oblivious to the fact that this highly revered Church has also gone through the rough tumults of history over the years. During the last 20 years, in particular, the Church experienced the worst of this turbulence, when it was seriously challenged with a fundamental breach of canonical law that subsequently led to a division within the Church and a deep sense of grief among adherents of the faith. The division came from none other than the illegal dethroning of the reigning Patriarch by the regime and replacing him with another. Subsequently, the division further subjected the Church to undue pressure from external forces, while giving way to the looting of its treasures and artifacts, and the improper practices of the faith and of Orthodox dogma.
Mindful of this regrettable blemish on the Church, as well as driven by a genuine concern to save it from continuing turbulence, a few true sons of the Church founded the Council of Peace and unity of tte Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. The Council resolved to bring the Church back to its normalcy by embarking on a mission that would beget peace and reconciliation between the Holy Synod in Ethiopia and the Legal Holy Synod led by His Holiness Abune Merkorios in North America. Nevertheless, a small group of Archbishops within the Addis Ababa Synod, squashing the voices of the majority membership of that Synod, thwarted the peace and unity mission by announcing a statement that in effect wrecked the chances of bringing about the desired unity of the Church. ln its content, not only was the announcement one unexpected of Orthodox Fathers, but also lacked truth, clarity, and integrity of intent; given these facts, therefore, the Exiled Syrrod has no choice but to issue this statement of declaration to the adherents of the faith in the interest of disclosing the true circumstances that led to the division of our Church and the ramifications thereof.
A. Concerning the Exile of the Patriarch
The statement issued by a small group of archbishops, after silencing the voices of the majority membership of the Addis Ababa Synod under the pressure of the regime's mighty force, made a bogus claim describing His Holiness Patriarch Markorios's alleged voluntary abdication of his throne in these terms: 'The heavy load of my work has affected my health condition for quite some time and thus I submit that the Holy Synod take over the helm of authority and lead the church." This false claim, in effect, was a ploy to create confusion among the faithful about the true nature of the Patriarch's removal from the throne. As such, the Orthodox community should be aware of these cardinal facts:

Even if the Patriarch were to declare that "l am ill and wish to abdicate my authority," the decision to quickly force the election of a new Patriarch was done in violation of the canon law governing the Church, as denoted in Article 4, No. 77, which states that "an election cannot be conducted until the full recovery of the Patriarch from his illness." r ln fact, the above referenced Article was put into full effect in the case of our first patriarch, His Holiness Abune Basliose, who was under ailment for about seven years and unable to discharge the duties of the Patriarchate fully. At the time, the great leaders of our Church, strictly adhering to the canon law, elected an Acting Patriarch to lead the Church while the reigning Patriarch was still ill. Eventually, following his death, the Synod elected His Holiness Abune Tewofilos as the second Patriarch of the EOTC in accord with the tradition and practices of the Church.

Furthermore, it should be clearly evident to everyone concerned that neither a letter nor a recorded voice exists that conforms tc the purported statement of the exiled Patriarch with regard to his alleged illness, and the voluntary abdication of his throne thereof. Therefore, in the absence of any credible evidence, other than the unsubstantiated allegation, it should be obvious that the Patriarch was indeed forced out of his position under the orders of the regime's security forces.
It is also ironic that the esteemed Fathers in Addis Ababa also claim that "The Holy Synod is a righteous body guided by the Holy Spirit, and, therefore, Patriarch Abune Merkorios's voluntary abdication of his position should be seen as a way of divine intervention, or a secret rneans to an end of his reign." Although the true believers of the Church are already privy to the fact of this matter, we still want to expound further on this issue by listing these authenticated details:

1. Mr. Tamerat Layne, the then-Prime Minister of the new government that came to power in 1991 (1983 E.C.), declared at the time that the regime would not wish to work with the Patriarch. lt was subsequently resolved that, until such time that the new rulers stabilized the political uncertainty engulfing the country, the "Holy Synod should operate as is but with the Patriarch's role being limited only to providing prayers and blessings," which in effect meant stripping him of his normal duties as the Head of the EOTC;
2. ln a letter dated Meskerem 28, 1984 E.C. (Oct, 1992) and numbered 69/298184, the regime illegally issued an order to the Patriarch to vacate his office at the Patriarchate;
3. Subsequent to that order, His Holiness was forced out of his official residence by security forces on Meskerem 30, 1984 E.C. (Oct, 1992) and practically remained under house arrest in an undisclosed area of Addis Ababa for one year;
4. Still, in a letter dated Tir 15, 1984 E.C. (January 24, 1992), the Patriarch informed the then-President of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia, Melese Zenawi, PM Tamerat Layne, all members of the Holy Synod, and the Executive Director of the EOTC Patriarchate, affirming that there was no illness nor any other impediments that would prevent him from discharging fully and ably his Holy duties, adding that the esteemed Fathers of the Holy Synod knew perfectly about his ability to do so;
5. Despite His Holiness's plea against his forced removal, the regime-orchestrated appointment of Abune Paulos as the fifth Patriarch was executed in violation of the canon law of the Church. ln the aftermath, the group that forcefully took over the Church's chain of command placed the legal Patriarch in a life-threatening predicament, forcing him to stay in the underground basement of a burial site at an Entoto church, not too far from the capital city. Gravely concerned about the personal safety and security of the Patriarch, some faithful put together a plan that would escort him clandestinely on Tekimit 1, 1985 E.C. (October 12,1993) to neighboring Kenya through Moyale, a border town between Ethiopia and that country;
6. ln Tikimt 1985 E.C. (October 1993), His Holiness announced to all followers of the Orthodox faith around the world via radio and through a press release from his exile in Kenya that he is still the legal Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church; and
7. The events that we have outlined above were finally validated in recent times, thanks to both the current President of Ethiopia, His Excellency Girma Wolde Giorgis, and former Prime Minister Tamerat Leyane, who publicly corroborated the forced removal of the Patriarch in no uncertain terms. Even more importantly, we do have in our possession original documents that further offer evidence substantiating the facts enumerated above. ln fact, we are ready any time to show these authentic, historic documents to anyone seeking them. Despite these undeniable facts, however, the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa continues to deny the truth and still insists on alleging that His Holiness "voluntarily abdicated his throne," a claim that was made in the most recent statement issued from Addis Ababa. Meanwhile, we wish to reiterate that the faithful should not by any means be fooled by an assertion that is devoid of truth, as well as an outright falsification of facts and events.

B. Concerning the Continuance of the Legal Holy Synod in Exileln the same statement of declaration, the minority within the Addis Ababa Synod has accused us of "establishing a Synod in exile coiitrary to any historical precedence known to Orthodox religion," Yet we found this to be disingenuous in the sense that it was not intended to address the issues associated with the forced removal of the Patriarch. The esteemed Fathers even went as far as declaring that "Without the permission of the Holy Synod, even the celebration of Fasika (Fthiopian Easter) outside of the Archdiocese of the Church is prohibited based on the canonical law of the Church." To confuse the faithful, they further cited the most venerated religious figures of Orthodox Christianity, such as Pope.Saint Athanasius, 5t. Yohanes Afework and Pope Saint Dioscorus, to validate their point, contending that these past saintly Fathers did not establish a Synod in exile, even though they were banished from their church in which they held the highest position of a Pope or a Patriarch. However, the reference to such Sreat Orthodox saints disguises the truth, since it can only be relevant to a church in which its stability and sanctity, as well as its basic principles of faith, have not been compromised; as such, the cases of the saintly Fathers thus cannot be reasonably used to describe the crisis in our Church, which has fallen under the control of a seemingly "foreign" force that is not only hostile to the Orthodox faith but also has consciously breached the canon law of the Church. Let us now look at the cases of the three great Orthodox Fathers as they relate to the establishment of a synod in exile:

1. Saint Athanasisus, Saint Yohanes Afework, and Saint Dioscorus were all exiled as individuals, not as part of a group of high clergymen. As everyone who is familiar with Orthodox hierarchy knows, no one individual or a Patriarch alone is authorized to establish a Synod, run a Patriarchate, and consecrate new bishops. ln this connection, both Saint Yohanes Afework and Saint Dioscorus were placed under house arrest in exile, and this meant that they did not even have the freedom to act on simple religious matters, let alone establishing a Synod or appointing bishops. ln fact, their saintly biographies reveal that they lived the rest of their lives in prison and passed away without ever gaining their freedom.
2. His Holiness Abune Merkorios, by contrast, was forced into exile along with his fellow Archbishops, including His Eminence Abune Yisehaq, Archbishop of the Western Hemisphere; Abune Elias, Archbishop of Europe, Africa and Australia; Abune Zena Markos, Deputy Patriarch; Abune Gorgorios, Archbishop and Special Secretary to the Patriarch; and Abune Mekesedek, who at the time was Dean of the Theological College of the Holy Trinity and current General Secretary of the Holy Synod in exile. The exiled Fathers together established the Synod in exile, and have since expanded their missionary work, and will continue to do so as the legal Ethiopian Orthodox ecclesiastical body in North America. Given these facts, the futile attempt by the Synod in Ethiopia to liken our situation to the cases of the cited saintly Orthodox Fathers is masked in distortion of facts. Moreover, their pronouncement lacks the integrity that the Almighty God has bestowed on them as disciples of his teachings, while at the same time exposing the faithful to utter confusion and falsehood.

Another historical fact begs further explanation to counter the argument that the Addis Ababa Synod has made. When Saintly Father Athanasisus, Patriarch of Alexandria, was exiled five times, at no time did his followers attempt to fill the leadership void created by replocing him with onother person. In fact, when the rulers of Constantinople tried to force upon them someone on their "religious Father," they vehemently rebuffed that order, thereby remaining true to their belief rather than acquiescing to the regime's demands. During the fourth century, our religious forefathers in Axum took a similar action by reecting the accusations made against Saint Athanusius by Constantinople.
Likewise, when Saint Yohanes Afework was falsely accused and forced into exile, his follawers cried out for his return and never accepted his replacement with an open arm. Upon his death, even his accusers felt so remorseful about what they did to him that they cried and pleaded in these words, "Forgive us our Father," but never mocked at him as their ex-Patriarch.
Similarly, Saint Dioscorus, who accepted his exile with grace and saw his suffering os a source of religious atonement, sent his followers a message of exaltation reminding them that "the fruits of the true religian are vested in you," a message that resonated with them for as lang as he was alive; it was a reminder that they believed in him until eternity, as they never wavered from what he taught them, and still recognized him as their leader even when the rulers of Constantinople named a replacement for him without their consent. As their loyalty to Saint Dioscorus was unflinching, it was passed from generations to generations in the annals of Orthodox history. Yet those who followed the orders of Constantinople accepted the replacement af Pope Dioscorus and took a different route that made the religious division bona fide.
ln keeping with the traditions established by our great Orthodox Fathers - Saint Athanasius, Saint Yohanes Afework, and Saint Dioscorus - His Holiness Abune Merkorios has continued in exile his godly work more resolutely than ever. The Almighty God has blessed him to be of great service to the followers of the faith, as he leads a group of devout Archbishops,12 of whom he appointed personally, who perform faithfully God's work throughout the Diaspora Orthodox community, The Legal Synod he leads has helped establish a growing number of churches that are now under the umbrella of the Patriarchate, while at the same time making it possible for the faithful to have their spiritual needs served well. The affiliated churches are growing in number; the missionary work of the Synod is more expanding than ever; the faithful are attending church services in greater numbers more than any other time; and a strong base for communities of Ethiopian Orthodox faith throughout the Diaspora is being established with great fervor. Above all, our community is more prepared than before to build a strong Orthodox foundation; to leave a legacy that gives vibrancy to Ethiopia's Orthodox faith; to revitalize its unique history; and to pass these vital societal hallmarks to the generations to follow.
C. Concerning the Peace and Unity Mission
The Council of Peace and Unity of the Ethiopion Orthodox Tewahedo Church embarked on a mission of peace and unity, mediating between the Holy Synod in Ethiopia and our Synod so as to unite the divided church though reconciliation. With the blessings of His Holiness Abune Merkorios and the Synod's full endorsement of this effort, a team of representatives was named to present our case. Three conferences took place over the last three years involving our team and representatives from the Addis Ababa Synod. Throughout the course of time, the peace and unity mission was greeted overwhelmingly by almost all Orthodox Tewahedo believers both at home and abroad and was awaited with a great sense of hope and optimism.
ln Ethiopia, the majority of the Synod's membership, the clergy, Sunday School pupils and many others concerned individuals and organizations all saw the reconciliation efforts with great fanfare and exaltation. However, the statement issued by the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa, following the talks in Dallas, was such that it not only undermined the process of the reconciliation mission but also presented facts that were deceiving and distorted. ln essence, that statement characterized our position in terms that were outright false. ln it, the Addis Ababa Synod misrepresented the Legal Synod's position describing it in these terms: "There is no such thing as peace and unity within the Church unless we control the Patriarchate," an outright lie that had no credible support, Given this backdrop then, what actually took place during the peace talks? What was the agenda considered for the negotiation? To answer these and other related questions, the following points must be clearly understood:

1. At the outset, we found out that the team representing the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa had neither the will nor the authority to propose or accept ideas during the course of the negotiation. They presented the same old and debunked argument that "Abune Merkorios abdicated his throne voluntarily and that the Church must now move to selecting the sixth Patriarch," a position that gave no room for further discussian because they had no authorization from Addis Ababa to do anything otherwise;
2. Since the Addis Ababa Synod has come under the direct control of the regime in power, the peace and unity mediation was doomed from the start, as was evident in the provocative statement released by the Synod that was detrimental to the negotiation even before the team had a chance to report to the entire Synod on the progress of the talks. On one hand, a team was sent to Dallas purportedly to negotiate with us, but at the same time the Acting Patriarch in Addis Ababa was making a statement in an interview over the media that was counterproductive to the negotiation, which in effect gave a clue about the malicious hand of the regime in the affairs of the Church, and therefore was really an effort in futility even to begin with; and
3. The team representing the Legal Synod in North America, by contrast, was charged with a full authority to negotiate with its counterpart and thus made every effort toward the settlement of the outstanding issues that created the divide within our Church. During the negotiation, we adopted a good measure of flexibility in our bargaining posture, proposing what we thought was a workable solution that would both address the breach of the canon law and yet offer due recognition to the reigns of both the legal Patriarch and the one that was placed on the throne in violation of Orthodox practices. To this end, our team proposed the reinstatement of the legal Patriarch to his former position, so that he will finish up his reign without any lasting damage to the canon law, and then to be followed with the selection of the six Patriarch when the vacancy becomes legally available. However, the latest announcement issued by the Synod in Addis Ababa made it clear that tirey never had the true intentions of finding solutions to the problem. ln fact, they appeared to play "the number game," arguing that reinstating the legal Patriarch now, the fourth in the order of appointment, after the fifth Patriarch (the late Abuse Paulo's) is going "backwards in the numbering order" and thus unworkable, which we found it to be a disingenuous way of looking at the issue at hand aswellas a clear indication of notwantingtofind a realsolution to a realproblem.

After probing the retrogressing behavior of the Synod in Addis Ababa subsequent to the Dallas meeting, it became apparent to us that five of that Synod's Archbishops have taken full charge of making the decision, thereby overshadowing the voices of the entire Synod; they are active members of the ruling party and thus charged with stymieing the peace and unity mission. We also discovered that each had an ambition to become a Patriarch, and therefore it would not have been in their personal interest to support the peace and unity effort even from the start. Any possible return of the Patriarch to his throne would have apparently gone contrary to their plot, as well as to the wishes of the regime to which they report.
From the facts stated in the foregoing, it becomes crystal clear that a small but powerful clique of the Woyane regime, which orchestrated illegally the removal of His Holiness Abune Merkorios from his throne 21. years ago, is still in charge and continues to disgrace our Church.
ln fact, this ruling clique is more determined than ever to subject our Church to relentless infamy; destroy the sanctity of the Church itself as we know it; and weaken the spiritual resiliency of the devout believers of the Orthodox Tewahedo faith.
Taking into account the events described above, the Legal Holy Synod in North America examined thoroughly the state of the EOTC in both Ethiopia and the Didspora and has passed the following resolutions:

1. Since His Holiness Abune Merkorios is stillthe legal Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the Holy Synod in exile condemns any illegal enthronement of a Patriarch for the EOTC in Ethiopia, because it would be a serious contravention of the Church's canon law;
2. For more than 21 years, our Church has undergone a crisis of historic proportions, as a government-led coup d'etat against the legal Patriarch was put into effect, leading to the illegitimate ascension of the late Abune Paulos to the throne and the division of the church thereafter. That regrettable action was being repeated again, as five members of the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa, using the power of the regime, were mobilizing forces to install a "Patriarch" of the regime's choice. Thus, based on the orders enshrined in the decrees of the Holy Book, the Synod directs that the true believers of the Orthodox faith, forever and in unison, oppose to, not recognize, or refuse to comply with the appointment of a "false Patriarch" in Ethiopia. The Synod further implores that the true Fathers of the Church in Ethiopia, especially those who stood their grounds for the peace and unity of the Church, refrain from participating in these questionable and ungodly exercises, which are indefensible in the court of both history and the Almighty God;
3. The Legal Holy Synod is deeply saddened by the fact that all those who stand for the peace and unity of our Church, including our religious Fathers, the clergy, organized Orthodox groups, and the faithful at large in Ethiopia, are being subjected to threats, intimidation or warnings, often coming from government operatives that oppose the return of the legal Patriarch to Ethiopia. These criminal practices against the Orthodox community are part and parcel of the sufferings that all other citizens in Ethiopia are being subjected to under the current regime in Addis Ababa. We are cognizant that our country is at a crossroads of political and social crises and that we pray to the Lord, so the suffering of our people will come to an end. Meanwhile, we are hopeful that Ethiopia will resurrect itself, and our Church will soon regain its freedom from the shackles of bondage. Meanwhile, the Synod wishes to counsel that the faithful engage at all times in activities that not only advance unity and peace for our Church but also foster a sense of fellowship and harmony between and among both the clergy and the laity. We hope you do so with greater care, wisdom, and stronger religious convictions;
4. The Synod was dismayed to learn that the political gang that had been waging a war of attrition on our Church for more than two decades has made recently the most ungodly claim of having "uprooted the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewhaedo Church from its foundation while annihilating the Amhara benefactors." Besides allowing alien religious forces to undermine our faith, distorting EOTC's positive contributions to Ethiopia's history, encouraging Orthodox believers to turn against their own faith, this seemingly godless clique is running a government bent on destroying our heritage as proud Ethiopians. The statement quoted above offers clear evidence that Ethiopia and particularly our historic Church is under grave danger and that the regime has neither good intensions nor goodwill for people of the Orthodox faith, as would have been expected under a government of national unity. With this being the case, the Synod urges all the faithful to join forces to engage in prayers and vigils so as to publicize this danger while pleading to our Creator to give us solace and strength to save our Church from further destruction;
5. We believe that the Holy Synod is the messenger of hope and goodwill, and stands for what is right and what is always acceptable unto God. As an ecclesiastical body advancing the work of God, the Holy Synod abominates any practice that begets racism, ethnicism, or any other discriminatory treatment of human beings. ln Ethiopia today, the pitfalls of ethnic-based rule are causing havoc on our society. Even the most celebrated monastery, Waldiba, has not been immune from the misfortune befalling Ethiopia today, Dozens of monks and celibates are being persecuted for resisting the government's desecration of the holiest of the holy site in that country. "The shrine and sanctity of our grand monastery must not be trampled with," cry out the monks of Waldiba, but the response from the regime was a swift and merciless action of intimidation, physical abuse and imprisonment of those God-fearing Orthodox celibates.This meant that the monks in Waldeba have joined the ranks of journalists, human rights advocates, and political prisoners who are all languishing in prison for voicing their ideas, and, in the case of the monks, for objecting peacefully to the demolition of their sacred and holy sanctuary; consequently, they all have become victims of government abuse and official oppression. Given that the regime has caused untold atrocities on every segment of our population, the Synod has resolved to take a stand and become an advocate for those whose freedom and liberties are being crushed in Ethiopia. Ironically, this has come at a time when the federal holiday commerating the birthday of the most celebrated African American civil rights leader, The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, was before us. The issue of civil rights and liberties in Ethiopia is one that we intend to publicize to the rest of the world using every available means at our disposal, as Dr. King had done decades ago. ln keeping with the tradition of our own great Orthodox Fathers of the past, who sacrificed their lives for their religious beliefs, including the martyred Abune Pateros, Abune Michael, and the great Patriarch Abune Tewoflos, we in the Exiled Synod, guided by His holiness Patriarch Abune Merkorios, have resolved that we will stand for the freedom of our people in Ethiopia and work toward peace and unity of our Church, relying on the power of God and His blessings. There should not be any doubt that the survival our country is directly tied to the survival of our Church, and thus any weakening in our faith will undoubtedly have a direct bearing on the survival our beloved country, as well. Therefore, we call on all Ethiopians, especially those with strong ties to their country of birth, to rise up in unison and join us in solidarity and unity to voice our cries for freedom and liberty in the country that we all cherish so dearly and collectively;
   
6. To effectively carry out the objectives outlined above, the Holy Synod-in-Exile has restructured the Patriarchate and made some readjustment to its priorities. Accordingly, our plan to expand the number of Archdioceses and consecrate additional Bishops, which was on hold due to the now defunct peace and unity bid, will now go forward with new force and vigor. To this end, the Synod has strengthened the Office of the Patriarchate by appointing a three-member executive body charged with coordinating and monitoring the day-to-day operations of member churches throughout the globe; it consists of a General Manger, an Executive Secretary, as well as a Public Relations Officer. Yet this new direction will require the full participation of the faithful particularly in the Diaspora. Your ideas, prayers, and generous financial support are all critical to make a difference in executing the plan that has been put forward, and so the Synod is hoping that your will respond positively to our call for action;
7. During the last several years, the Exiled Synod has made a sincere effort to bring together the divided Church and the faithful in the Diaspora with some success, but still much remained to be accomplished, During the same period, many of the faithful and several churches had hoped that the divide within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewhaedo Church would come to an end through reconciliation and thus chose to remain neutral until that happened. However, that hope was dashed when the Synod in Addis Ababa aborted the peace and unity mediation efforts. Given this backdrop, the Holy Synod has now resolved that it has the moral obligation to bring all the Orthodox faithful and neutral churches under a reinvigorated Holy Synod that caters to the spiritual needs of the Orthodox community at large. By so doing, the Synod's guiding principles will be "one country, one people and one church." With this in mind, we pray that the faithful and those churches that are not affiliated with the Synod will join us to make this a reality. To those who are true helievers of the Orthodox faith, are genuinely concerned with crisis facing our Church, and have great ideasto rescue the Church from its current predicamen! we call upon you once again to stand up for freedom and liberty of the Orthodox faithful as well as the sanctity of our Church. Since the Synod has established a special taskforce to find ways that will bring all the divided churches in the Diaspora into unity, the group assigned for this purpose is ready to meet and discuss with representatives of neutral churches and others to build the groundwork that will be necessary to nurture unity, solidarity, and fellowship amongst our people;
8. The Synod believes that it has the responsibility of educating and informing international organizations, religious communities, human rights organizations, and governments around the work about the brutalities to which our clergy and our people at home are subjected. With this in mind, we have established a taskforce, consisting of members from among the Archbishops, the clergy, and the laity, the charge of which will be to give testimonials at international forums, as well disseminate information as necessary to publicize the danger that our Church is facing;
9. The recently announced statemont by the Holy Synod in Addis Ababa came from a small group of Archbishops who are in cahoots with the regime, and was made by suppressing the voices of reason expressed by others within the Synod. The statement sent shockwaves throughout the Diaspora Orthodox community that was awaiting for good news, with unprecedented fervor, to see the divide within the EOTC coming to an end.Flowever, the crisis facing the Church will only come to pass once we receive some redemption from our Lord. Our Church, throughout its history, has gone through many tribulations and historical adversities, one of which was the destruction inflicted on it and its treasures by Gran Mohamed. Many Orthodox scholars and believers have lost their lives in defense of our Church duringthis period of sheer destruction that lasted L5 years. After the passage of that tumultuous period, the Church is still a symbol of "light in the midst of darkness." Even with the current crisis, the Synod asks you---the faithful --not to lose hope but to pray and plead too our Almighty God for salvation. Having accepted the commandment of the Holy Spirit, the Holy Synod has taken up the moral obligation to propagate the words of the Gospel through a rejuvenated missionary program and reach out to the Orthodox faithful throughout the diaspora. As commended in the verses of the Holy Bible "Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God" (lsaiah 4Ai7," the Holy Synod is ready with new energy and zeal to comfort those that need to be comforted; those designated to do the missionary work of the Synod will be at your service from hereon;
   
10. Despite a three-year effort to bring peace and unity to our Church, which was finally thwarted by a small cadre of Archbishops who act as regime operatives within the Addis Ababa Synod, the Synod-in-Exile extends a heartfelt appreciation to the Council of Peace and Unity of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church for being so benevolent in their mediation and sacrificing their precious time, energy and resources for a noble cause that has both national and international implications;
11. At the same time, the Synod has resolved that the selection of the 6th Patriarch that was underway should be halted immediately because the silent majority within the Addis Ababa Synod was not in favor of it, nor the mediators and the faithful at large. We think that the peace and unity effort should take precedence over the selection of a Patriarch, who would be just as illegitimate as the one before him. Therefore, we are still acquiescent to the peace and unity mission, so that the divide within our Church can be overcome once and for all, and we are ready to do our part to bring a historic end to that divide; and
12. The Los Angeles meeting concluded with the final blessings of His Holiness Abune Merkorios, Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Hosted by the clergy, the board, and members of the Dingil Mariam Orthodox Tewaheda Church in Los Angeles, the meeting was received with great enthusiasm and patronage. For this, the Synod gives special thanks to all the members of that Church; we are deeply indebted to the hospitality and graciousness that they exhibited during the course of the meeting.

source: http://www.ethiomedia.com/addis/5661.html

Tigrays dividing the Church in London fighting

God bless our Ethiopian  Orthodox church, we have to clean our church for the weyane cadres. they distroy our church in Ethiopia, and now they are trying to destroy our chuhes in diaspora.

wake up Ethiopians in diaspora.

our leader is ብጹህ አቡነ መርቆሪዎስ ናቸው

our leader is ብጹህ አቡነ መርቆሪዎስ ናቸው

we don`t need no more weyane patriarc

የሃይማኖት ወይስ የወያኔ አባቶች

እየቆረቆረኝ ከሆዴ ሳይወጣ አደል ያለው ዘፋኙ፥

እኔ ባንድ አባባል አናለው፥ ሊነጋ ሲል ይጨልማል ይገርማል ኢትዮጵያችን መቼም የቻለችው ጉድ አያልቅም ባለፈው ሰሞን የሃይማኖት አባቶች ናቸው የተባሉ ፋዘሮች ሰብሰብ አሉና የሂሳብ ማሽናቸውን/ calculator/  ብድግ አርገው በቃ በሂሳቡ ስሌት መሰረት ስንደምረው ወደኋላ መሄድ አልቻልንም እኛ ከዚህ በላይ አንለማመጥም አዲስ የሃይማኖት አባት መምረጣችን ነው፥አቡነ መርቆሪዎስ አሻፈረኝ ብለዋል በፊትም በፍቃዳቸው ነው አልሰራም ብለው የሄዱት እያሉ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ፊት ያወሩት በቅርብ ነበር፥

በጣም የሚገርመው ግን የወያኔው ሌላ አባት አቶ ግርማ ወልደጊዮርጊስ አንዴ አቡነ መርቆሪዮስ ወደስልጣነ መንበራቸው መመለስ ይችላሉ በፊትም እኮ ያ የማይረባ ታምራት ላይኔ ነው ያባረራቸው ሲሉ ሰምተን ነበር፥፥

እኔ ምለው ግርም እያለኝ የመጣው ነገር የወያኔ ነገር ነው፥ ውሸታቸው ከመብዛቱ የተነሳ ትላንትናና ዛሬ በተመሳሳይ ሰአት በዛው በፈረደበት ኢቲቪ ለዛው ለፈረደበት ህዝብ ሁለትና ሶስት አይነት ውሸት በቡፌ መልክ ሲያቀርቡ እነዚህ ሰዎች ውሸታቸው ከመብዛቱ የተነሳ እያተምታታባቸው ነው ወይስ ማንም ምንም አያመጣም ብለው ነው እያልኩ አንዳንዴ በሃሳብ ኢትዮጵያ ደርሼ እመጣለው፥፥

እኔ ግን የምለው እባካችው ወያኔዎች ቤተክርስቲያናችንን ለቀቅ አርጉ ያለበለዚያ ያ ባለፈው ሰሞን ጀምሯችሁ የነበረው ፈንገል የሚያረገው በሽታ ማገርሸቱ አይቀሬ ነው፥፥

ዘማሪዋም እኮ ያለችው ይሄንኑ ነው፥_

አለው ነገር እግዚአብሄር እንዲህ አብዝቶ ዝም ካለ

ጠላቴ ሆይ ደስ አይበልህ ቢመሽም ለኔ ቀን አለ

አለው ነገር እግዚአብሄር እንዲህ አብዝቶ ዝም ካለ

ከሳሼ ሆይ ደስ አይበልህ  ቢመሽም ለኔ ቀን አለ

ኢትዮጵያን እግዜር ይባርክ፥፥

ከጌዲዮን ኦስሎ