Thursday, June 13, 2013

Ginbot 7 Popular Force national song

ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ ! ላንቺ ነው !

ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ! ላንቺነው!
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ! ላንቺ ነው
ላንቺ ኢትዮጵያ፣ የተሰባሰብነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ የምንሞተው።
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ! ላንቺነው!
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ! ላንቺ ነው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ የተሰባሰብነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ ደሜን የማፈሰው።
በባርነት ሸክም ጀርባሽ ለጎበጠው
በባላጌ መዳፍ ክብርሽ ለጎደፈው
የስቃይሽ ሲቃ ሰማይ ለነደለው
አይንሽ እስኪጠፋ ደም ለምታነቢው
ላንቺነው ሃገሬ
ህይወት የገበርነው
ወገን ደራሽ አጥተሽ ቅስምሽ ለተናደው
የመኖር ምኞትሽ ተሟጦ ላላቀው
ከውሻ ተሻምተው ለሚያድሩት ልጆሽ
ለአለም ጨረታ ለቀረበው ጽንስሽ
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ የደሙት ልጆችሽ
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ
ላንቺነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ
ላንቺ ነው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ የተሰባሰብነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ የምንሞተው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ
ላንቺነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ
ላንቺ ነው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ የተሰባሰብነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ ደሜን የማፈሰው
ለፈሰሰው አይንሽ በከሃዲዎች ጥፍር
በጅምላ ላጨዱት የልጆችሽ ክምር
ለናዱት አንድነት ላረከሱት ሃገር
ለቀሙን ነጻነት ለጫኑብን ቀንበር
መልሱ ሆኖ መጥቷል ደረቴን ለአረር
በምነት በመጽናትሽ ሃቅ መናገርሽ
ትናጋሽ ታሽጎ መተንፈስ ያቃተሽ
መከራና አሳር በማዲያት ለኳሉሽ
የማታውቂው ባህር አስምጦ ለተፋሽ
ላንቺነው ኢትዮጵያ የደሙት ልጆችሽ
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ ላንቺነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ ላንቺ ነው
ላንቺ ኢትዮጵያ የተሰባሰብነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ የምንሞ ተው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ ህይወት የገበርነው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ የተሰባሰብነው
ላንቺ ኢትዮጵያ በአንድነት የቆምነው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ኢትዮጵያ እኛ ምንሰዋው
ላንቺ ነው ሃገሬ እኛ ምንሰዋው


Tuesday, June 11, 2013

EPRDF, no identity and no vision

For the past twenty one years, the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) that has no mandate to rule Ethiopia has actually ruled Ethiopia with iron fist dashing on the  Trojan horse,  the  EPRDF ( Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front).  The EPRDF, a political front; composed of a hodgepodge of ethnically assembled organizations, is a hollow group of ethnic demagogues created by its late leader to materialize his lifelong dream of dividing Ethiopia along ethnic lines. Ironically, the EPRDF that blatantly boasts to have averted the disintegration of Ethiopia, firmly stood up to the dreams of its creator and augmented the fragmentation of Ethiopia, the very country it calls home.
On Saturday March 23, 2013, the EPRDF started its 9th and possibly what could be its last congress with an embarrassing; and to the vast majority of Ethiopians with a pointless theme of – “The Thoughts of Meles”.  In fact, if there is one good cause served by the 9th EPRDF congress, it should be that, the Trojan horse EPRDF proved to the Ethiopian people that it is a party in existence with a borrowed identity that rules over a nation of ninety million people with a dead vision of a deceased man. The EPRDF is a party that lives in the past, failed to cease the moment and has no vision for the future.
The four-day congress that ended on Tuesday came to an end with exactly the same hollowness that it started. To the surprise of its own members and diehard supporters, the four -day congress looked like much of a eulogy of a man (dead for seven months) than an occasion to map a vision for Ethiopia’s future.  Despite all indications of the nation’s chronic problems of ethnic conflict, poverty, human rights abuse, deteriorating living conditions, and alarming outflow of skilled manpower, the EPRDF vowed to extend its grip on power and carry on the same old failed policies of the past. All in all, the handmade toy, the EPRDF, shamelessly told the Ethiopian people that it has no vision of its own and nothing new on its plate.
Ginbot 7, Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy not only invalidates the resolution of the 9th congress of the EPRDF, but it also extends its call to the Ethiopian people inside and outside Ethiopia to come together and fight in unison to stop the implementation of a policy that has a hard to reverse  detrimental effect on our nation. Ginbot 7 reiterates its perennial message to the Ethiopian people and to the international community at large that there are much better alternatives to the tested and failed policies of the EPRDF that benefit the interest of the Ethiopian people, the Horn of Africa and all other parties’ involved. The international community, donor nations and most importantly, the EU, United Kingdom and the United States must come to their senses and acknowledge that freedom; justice and democracy are God given human values that the people of Ethiopia thirst for just like the British and the American people.

Ginbot7, Movement for Justice Freedom and Democracy
Public Relation
www.ginbot7.org/           pr@ginbot7.org    | +44 208 133 5670

Monday, June 10, 2013

ESAT WAZA ENA KUMENGER

Abe Tokichaw (Abebe Tolla) the Popular Political Satirist on ESAT (Ethiopian Satellite Television), his latest Wazzana Kumneger show. ESAT Wazana Kum Neger June 10, 2013.


Tuesday, June 4, 2013

አቶ ኤፍሬም ማዴቦ የግንቦት 7 የህዝብ ግኑኝነት ሃላፊ ቃለ ምልልስ ከኢሳት ጋር

አቶ ኤፍሬም ማዴቦ የግንቦት 7 የህዝብ ግኑኝነት ሃላፊ ስለ 4ኛው መደበኛ የግንቦት 7 የስራ አስፈፃሚ ስብሰባ ከኢሳት ጋዜጠኛ ፋሲል የኔአለም ጋር የተደረገ ቃለምልልስ፥፥



Sunday, June 2, 2013

Hundreds of Thousands protest political repression in Ethiopia. Addis Ababa


ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — Thousands of Ethiopian demonstrators took to the streets of the capital Sunday demanding the immediate release of jailed journalists and activists in a rare show of public opposition to the ruling party which maintains strict control over the East African nation.
Protesters marched along major streets in the capital, Addis Ababa, shouting "We need freedom," and "We need justice." The peaceful rally was the first major demonstration since 2005 post-election unrest when security forces killed hundreds of protesters.
The protest is the first show of disapproval against Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn'sgovernment. Hailemariam succeeded former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi who died Aug. 20.
Communications Minister Bereket Simon responded to the demonstration by denying, to The Associated Press, that Ethiopia is holding political prisoners.
But demonstrators held pictures of jailed journalists, activists, political leaders and even covers of banned newspapers.
The New-York based Committee to Protect Journalists in a December report listed Ethiopia as the eighth worst jailer of journalists in the world with six journalists in prison. Last year 49 Ethiopian journalists were in exile and 72 newspapers had been closed under Meles, said the committee. Muluken Tesfahun of the private weekly Ethio-Mehedar has been detained since May 4 for covering evictions near the construction of a massive hydroelectric dam that is raising tensions with Nile-dependent Egypt, said the CPJ.
After Meles died, the International Crisis Group had cautioned that the new government would find it difficult to contain public discontent in the absence of "any meaningful domestic political opposition."
In 2012 polls, the ruling party won over 99 percent of all regional and federal parliament seats. There is only a single opposition member in the 547 seat federal parliament.
Yacob Hailemariam, a former United Nations prosecutor, was among those who addressed the protesters at the close of the rally.
"In the 21st century when the rest of the world is freely exercising its rights . here in Ethiopia the daily news is 'this person got arrested'. 'that person received a life sentence'.this has to end," said Yacob in his speech.
Yacob was among scholars who led a popular opposition grouping in 2005 election when the ruling party lost key cities including the capital's city council. The country's electoral board declared the ruling party Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front as a winner on national poll tally. Protests broke out across the country and Yacob and his colleagues were jailed for several months before he was pardoned in 2007.
"They say the youth has worn out . I disagree. Once again the youth has to be a force change and it should take over to lead (an) opposition group to end the ruling party's dictatorship that has turned the country into a hell for us ... we can repeat 2005," shouted Yacob.
Many of the protesters on Sunday were Muslims who have been protesting alleged government interference in their religion.
Some Muslims activists who had been leading criticism of the government are currently in prison on terrorism charges.
"I don't care about politics . I don't care if they (the ruling party) rule forever but I would die for my religion," said a young protester who would only identify himself as Ahmed. "I am here to demand the release of our representatives . we won't stop until they are free," said Ahmed.
Protesters vowed to return to the streets in three months' time "unless the government releases journalists, activists, and Muslim leaders and annul unconstitutional legislations."
But Communications Minister Bereket denied that the government is holding political prisoners. "There are no political prisoners. There are only people who have been charged with criminal offenses," said Bereket to AP.
"We don't have any qualms about the protesters exercising their rights but when you see the character of the demands, calls to give up the trials and release persons who are behind bars, convicted of criminal offenses . it is both unethical and unacceptable. Also, the government cannot interfere and release people suspected of criminal offenses . we will have to wait until the courts give verdicts," added Bereket.
The minister said the government will not have "any problem" with future demonstrations. He however expressed concerns about what he called a fusion of politics and religion



Legesse Zenawi Asres: the Butcher from Dedebit, Part IV

Wednesday, May 29, 2013

ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ወያኔዎችን ባነነባቸው

ሰማያዊ ቀለም ድሮም ይመቸኛል፥ ይገርማል አሁን ደሞ በፓርቲ መጣብኝ፥ ይሁን እንጂ አሁንም ተመችቶኛል ደልቶኛል፥፥ ለዚሁም ደሞ ማረጋገጫው አሁን በግንቦት 25,2013 የጠሩትን የሰላማዊ ሰልፍ በጣም ስለምደግፈው ነው፥፥ አበጠም ፈነዳም ሰማያዊ ፓርቲዎች የሞከሩትን ሙከራ እስከዛሬ ድረስ አለን በሰላማዊ ትግል የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብን ጥያቄ እናስመልሳለን ወያኔን እናስወግዳለን ሲሉ የነበሩት ሰዎች ሁሉ እንኳን ሊሞክሩት አደለም አስበውትም አያቁም ነበር፥፥ 

አሁን ዋናው ነገር የትም ግዥው ቅምቀማውን አምጪው ስለሆነ ሁሉም የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ወያኔን በሰላማዊ መንገድ እናስወግዳለን የሚሉ ሁሉ ከሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ጎን ሆነው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብን ለ22 አመታት ያልተመለሱ ጥያቄዎች እንደተወካይ ማሰማት ግድ ይላቸዋል፥፥ ይህ እኔ እስከሚገባኝ ድረስ 1ሚሊዮን ሰው፥ 100 ሺ ሰው ወይም 100 ሰው መጣ ሳይሆን ውጤት ተገኘበትም አልተገኘበትም ወያኔ ግን እራሱ ላወጣው ህገመንግስት ተገዢ መሆን ግዴታው እንደሆነ ትምርት ይሰጣል ብዬ አምናለው፥፥

ሰማያዊ ፓርቲዎች በርቱ፥ ጀግኖች ናችሁ፥ እግዚአብሄር ከናንተጋር ይሁን፥፥ ከወሬኛ ይሰውራችው፥ እየሰራችው ያላችሁት ነገር ደስ ይላል፥ በአሁን ሰአት ብዙ አይነት ጠቃሚ እና እንዲሁም የማይረባ ወሬ ልትሰሙ ትችላላችው፥ ጠቃሚውን ብቻ ይዛችው የማይረባውን ደሞ እርሱት፥፥ 

ጌዲዮን 

ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ!

Tuesday, May 28, 2013

Ethiopia Refuses to Cooperate With World-Bank-Funding Probe

By William Davison, Bloomberg 

Ethiopia’s government said it won’t cooperate with a probe into whether the World Bank violated its own policies by funding a program in which thousands of people were allegedly relocated to make way for agriculture investors.Ethnic Anuak people in Ethiopia’s southwestern Gambella region and rights groups including Human Rights Watch last year accused the Washington-based lender of funding a program overseen by soldiers to forcibly resettle 45,000 households. The Inspection Panel of the World Bank, an independent complaints mechanism, began an investigation in October into the allegations, which donors and the government have denied.“We are not going to cooperate with the Inspection Panel,” Getachew Reda, a spokesman for Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, said in a phone interview on May 22. “To an extent that there’s a need for cooperation, it’s not going to be with the Inspection Panel, but with the World Bank”Ethiopia, Africa’s most-populous nation after Nigeria, has made 3.3 million hectares (8.2 million acres) of land available to agriculture companies. Investors include Karuturi Global Ltd. (KARG) of India, the world’s largest rose grower, and companies owned by Saudi billionaire Mohamed al-Amoudi.There is a “plausible link” between the Promoting Basic Services program, partly funded by the bank to pay the salaries of local government workers, and a resettlement process also known as villagization in Gambella, the panel said in a Nov. 19 report obtained by Bloomberg News. The World Bank confirmed the authenticity of the report.‘Potential Non-Compliance’The concurrent implementation of PBS and the resettlement program may raise issues of “potential serious non-compliance with bank policy,” according to the report.“From a development perspective, the two programs depend on each other, and may mutually influence the results of the other,” the panel said.Human Rights Watch, based in New York, made similar allegations about the resettlement program in a January 2012 report. Those findings and the Inspection Panel process are part of a “propaganda campaign being waged against the government,” Getachew said by phone from the capital, Addis Ababa. “It’s not a World Bank inspection panel, it’s a panel that likes to impose its mostly fictitious findings on the decision-making process of the World Bank.”About 35,000 households voluntarily moved over the past three years in Gambella and now have better access to public services and are growing more food, State Minister of Federal Affairs Omod Obang Olum said in a May 15 interview.‘Unprecedented’The complaint to the panel was made on behalf of 26 Anuaks now living in South Sudan and Kenya. Refusal to cooperate with the panel by a World Bank member state is “unprecedented,” said David Pred, a managing associate at Inclusive Development International, or IDI, a California-based human-rights group that assisted with the complaint.“I don’t see how the bank could justifiably continue supporting Ethiopia if the government simply rejects outright any semblance of accountability,” he said in an e-mailed response to questions.The complaints should be investigated further “as they pertain to the bank’s application of its policies and procedures,” the panel said. The probe should not look at allegations of “specific human rights abuses” or the “underlying purposes” of the resettlement program, it said.Donor AidDonors provided $3.56 billion of aid to Ethiopia in 2011, which was 11.3 percent of gross national income, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.The World Bank said that while officials on PBS-funded salaries may have “responsibilities related” to resettlement, this doesn’t mean the two programs were “directly linked,” according to the panel.There was no evidence of “forced relocations or systematic human-rights abuses,” according to reports by two fact-finding missions in 2011 and 2012 by donors including the U.K. and U.S. aid agencies. “Half of the people interviewed said they didn’t want to move” and some said public services hadn’t been provided in new sites, the 2012 report found.PBS “does not build upon villagization, it is not synchronized with villagization, and does not require villagization to achieve its objectives,” the World Bank’s management said in response to the complaint. “Furthermore the bank does not finance” villagization.Election ViolencePBS began in 2006 after donors stopped “direct budget support” to the federal government because of violence following a disputed 2005 election. The program provides block grants to regional governments that are mainly spent on education, health, agriculture, water and road workers.A postponed March 19 discussion of PBS by the bank’s board has yet to be rescheduled, Guang Chen, the bank’s Ethiopia director, said in an e-mailed response to questions. “Staff are not authorized to comment prior to the board discussion,” he said.Since 2006, PBS has cost donors and the government $13 billion, the panel said. The ongoing phase is funded by the government, the World Bank, the African Development Bank, the European Union, the U.K., Austria and Italy.The panel also can’t comment at this stage, operations analyst Dilya Zoirova said in an e-mailed response to questions.To contact the reporter on this story: William Davison in Addis Ababa via Nairobi at pmrichardson@bloomberg.net. To contact the editor responsible for this story: Antony Sguazzin in Johannesburg at asguazzin@bloomberg.net.


Thursday, May 23, 2013

Main Play List on Home Page (spilleliste)


Publisert 22. mai 2013
http://www.ethsat.com - Ethiopian Satellite Television ESAT 
ESAT is the first independent Ethiopian Satellite Television service and Radio Station who broadcast to Ethiopia and the rest of the world





Sunday, May 19, 2013

Millions of dollars found at the residence of late dictator Meles Zenawi close friend and confidant


Police seized millions of dollars from the private residence of Gebrewahid Woldegiorgis, a close friend and confidant of the late Ethiopian dictator Meles Zenawi this week. If Gebrewahid has kept this much money in his residence, one can imagine how much money he has transferred out of the country, and how much his late boss Meles Zenawi and wife Azeb Mesfin have stolen. Gebrewahid is the latest fall-guy in the ongoing power struggle inside the ruling junta. He is no more corrupt than any of the other TPLF officials who have been sucking the life blood of Ethiopia during the past 20 years. According to Ethiopian Review’s Intelligence Unit sources in Addis Ababa, the recent purges are being orchestrated by the deputy chief of security Isayas Woldegiorgis and close ally Bereket Simon, who is the minister of government communication.




Friday, May 17, 2013

Blue Party of Ethiopia’s Journey to Join the Braves


by Tedla Asfaw
The Blue Party of Ethiopia also known as “Semaiawi Party” has called for a public protest rally next week on May 25 in front of African Union in Addis Ababa. The rally has nothing to do with the 50th year anniversary of the foundation of OAU/AU. However, it chose this date to remind foreign guests who are coming to Ethiopia thatEthiopians are living in their own country in fear and poverty behind newly built roads and high rises. Protest of any kind has been illegal since May 2005 in Ethiopia. The only rally that has been allowed for the record is the one organized by Eritrean Refugees to protest against Isaias Afeworki’s dictatorship.The Blue Party of Ethiopia also known as "Semaiawi Party"

The right to assemble and freedom of speech is non existent in Ethiopia. Many journalists who challenged the TPLF/Woyane regime by exercising these rights ended up in jail accused as terrorists. Many Ethiopians are living in fear and political parties can not assemble even in rented hotels. The Blue Party that called the May 25 rally was denied dinner gathering in a rented hotel by government security forces early this year.

The Blue Party called Ethiopians in March of this year to come out and denounce the erection of Mausoleum for Graziani in Italy. The government beat up and arrested more than 40 people. The members and activists of this party are mainly young and female. They are action oriented and risk takers. Their leaders drove to South Ethiopia to see the evicted or ethnically cleansed Amhara farmers from Beni Shanguel and Gumuz last month. They were briefly jailed.

The Blue Party is protesting injustices when it sees it. The ESAT “Eneweyaye” May 13 program by three hosts seem to disagree with the May 25 Rally because of its timing and the lack of other parties participation. Ato Fasil argued that the rally looks like “begging” foreigners/Ferenji Limina. The majorities on the 50th celebration are Africans. As the hosts agreed many of them have similar problems in their own countries and the Blue Party’s call for Freedom and Justice for Ethiopians is not at all begging. It is exercising citizens right to assemble.

Ato Fasil argument that the regime by allowing such protest for first time might get credential as a “democratic ” is absurd. The nature of the regime is not determined by what it did in one day but its record of more than twenty two years. The whole world including those guests on that day know what Ethiopia has been under TPLF/Woyane. That day rally is to affirm our people right to say No when they see it any place, day and time, nothing wrong with May 24.

The Blue Party called this rally and asked others to join it. Someone has to start and should be commended for that.The young and women are comprising the majority of our people and many of them are not members of the Blue Party or any other parties. By going out on May 25 where foreign journalists are abundant will reaffirm the world the call for Freedom and Justice made by millions in Addis Ababa eight years ago.This time they might be a tiny fraction of that number but the demand remains the same. The braves though few are always in front line for the Freedom Battle.

Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Wubishit Desse could have been better journalists and analysts from distance. They chose to speak and write and paid a high price for it. Andualem Arage and Bekele Gerba could have shut their mouth and still be a leader of a party they chose not. Many whose names are many to mention here have already given their lives for justice, did not choose place,date and time. The Blue Party members chose to follow them and need encouragement.

This is a month of Freedom here in the Ethiopian Diaspora in North America. Abebe Gellaw an ESAT Journalist on May 18, 2012 morning at Regan Building in Washington D.C. shattered the Wall of Fear and denounced the late Meles Zenawi led Dictatorship and Injustices Financed by the West. An act of one man was considered by TPLF/Woyane supporters and many foreigners as “impolite” action. The Ethiopian people are proud of Abebe’s heroic Voice !!! We have never been in in business of begging or worshipping foreigners. Polite and Proud !!!!

The few who will start the Freedom Rally on the 50th year commemoration of OAU/AU against injustice in Ethiopia are doing the right thing like Abebe in America. Doing it on May 25 will magnify their effort like Abebe’s protest of May 18, 2012. Make no mistake, some think that this is the first peaceful rally in Ethiopia since May 2005 but it is not. The peaceful rally in Ethiopia is now more than 16 months old carried out by hundreds thousands every Friday in mosques throughout Ethiopia. What the Blue Party is trying to do is bring all Ethiopians, Christians and Muslims to common agenda in a public place. TPLF failed to sabotage the Ethiopian Muslims prayer rally and it will fail to sabotage the May 25 political rally in Addis Ababa. We are all Blue! Long Live May 18 and Long Live May 25!

Monday, May 13, 2013

ኢትዮጵያ በፍጥነት ወደኋላ እየገሰገሰች ነው!


ጌዲዮን ከኖርዎይ

የኢትዮጵያ እድገት መቼም በጣም አስገራሚና አነጋጋሪ መሆን ከጀመረ ሰነባበተ፥፥ ውሸት ሲደጋገም ውነት ይሆናል አለች ቻይና! አቶ መለስ ዜናዊ እንደቀልድ የተናገሩት ነገር ስር ሰዶ አሁን አሁን በሳቸው አጠገብ ያለፉት ሁሉ አብረው አጮሁት፥፥ የሚገርመው ነገር ግን አውሮ ፓውያንም አብረው አጮሁት እንደውም ስራቸውን በርዳታ ስም እንደፈለጋቸው እንዲያሮጡ መልካም አጋጣሚን የፈጠረላቸው ይመስላል፥፥
ግንቦት 13,2013 ቀን በኦስሎ ከተማ ሊተራቱር ህውስ በተባለው አዳራሽ ውስጥ ይህንኑ የኢትዮጵያን እድገት ለማስተጋባት በኖርዌጂያን ዴቨሎፕመንት ፈንድ በተባለ ድርጅት አማካኝነት Ethiopia - the reality behind the media በሚል ርእስ በተጠራው ስብሰባ ላይ ኖርዌጂያን ፖለቲከኞችና የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ተወካዮች በእንግድነት በተገኙበት የውይይት መድረክ ላይ በርካታ ወድ ኢትዮጵያውያን በኖርዎይ እንዲሁም ኖርዌጂያን በቦታው ላይ ተገኝተው ነበር፥፥


ተጋባዥ ከነበሩት እንግዶች መካከል፥
  • ·         ኢንተርናሽናል ዴቨሎፕመንት ሚኒስቴር ሃይኪ ሆልሞስ ከሶሻል ሌፍት ፓርቲ
  • ·         ፒተር ጊትማርክ የኖርዌጂአን ኮንሰርቫቲቭ ፓርቲ የኢንተርናሽናል ዴቨሎፕመንት ዋና ቃልአቀባይ እና
  • ·         ዶክተር ሚሊዮን በላይ ኢኮሎጂካል ለርኒንግ እና ኮሚዩኒቲ አክሽን ዳይሬክተር ከኢትዮጵያ ሲሆኑ ስብሰባውን የመሩት አቶ አንድሪው ክሮግሉንድ የኖርዌጂያን ደቨሎፕመንት ኤንፎርሜሽን ኤንድ ፖሊሲ ዋና ክፍል ሃላፊ ነበሩ፥፥


ውይይቱን በይበልጥ ያተኮረው በስልጣን ላይ ባሉት አቶ ሃይኪ ሆልሞስ የኢንተርናሽናል ዴቨሎፕመንት ሚኒስቴር እና በአቶ ፒተር ጊትማርክ የኮንሰርቫቲቭ ፓርቲ የኢንተርናሽናል ዴቨሎፕመንት ዋና  ቃል አቀባይ መካከል ቢሆንም ዶክተር ሚሊዮን በላይ ብዙ ለመናገር ከኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ብዙም ፍቃድ የተሰጣቸው አይመስልም ነበር፥፥


ይሁን እንጂ አቶ ሃይኪ ሆልሞስና በአቶ ፒተር ጊትማርክ መካከል የነበረው የልዩነት አቋም አቶ ሃይኪ ሆልሞስ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ እድገት አለ ስለሆነም የገንዘብ እርዳታ ማድረጋ እንቀጥላለን የሚል ሲሆን አቶ ፒተር ጊትማርክ በበኩላቸው አሁን ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ አለ ስለሚባለው እድገት ጥርጣሬ እንዳላቸውና እንዲሁም በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለው የሰብአዊ መብት ረገጣ ከግዜ ወደጊዜ እየተባባሰ በመምጣቱ ኖርዎይ የምታደርገውን የገንዘብ እርዳታ እንድታቆም እንዲሁም እርዳታው አስፈላጊ ከሆነም በስልጣን ላይ ላለው መንግስት ሳይሆን ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የሚደርስበት መንገድ መፈለግ አለበት ሲሉ የሳቸው ፓርቲም በስልጣን ላይ ከወጣ ይህው እርዳታ እንደሚቌረጥና በማንኛውም ጊዜ ይህ ሁኔታ ሲሻሻል እርዳታው እንዴት እንደሚቀጥል የሚታይ ይሆናል ብለዋል፥፥


እንዲሁም ከተሳታፊዎች መካከልም ብዙ ጥያቄዎች ለዶክተር ሚሊዮንና ለአቶ ሃይኪ ሆልሞስ የተሰነዘረ ሲሆን የተሳታፊው አቋም የነበረው፥ የኖርዎይ መንግስት እየሰጠ ያለው የገንዘብ እርዳታ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለው መንግስት ህዝቦችን ለማፈን እያተጠቀመበት ነው፥ እርዳታው መረዳት ላለበት ህዝብ አልደረሰም፥ የሚሉና በርካታ የተቃውሞ መልክቶችን ያዘኡ ነበሩ፥፥
በመጨረሻም ምንም እንኳን ከተሰብሳቢው በርካታ የወቅታዊ የሃገራችን አንገብጋቢ ጥያቄዎች የተነሱ ቢሆንም ለውይይቱ ተጋባዥ እንግዶች የቤት ስራ የሚሆኑ በርካታ ጥያቄዎች በመስጠት ውይይቱ ተጠናቋል፥፥

ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ!

Corruption and the Ethiopian Regime


Semahagn Gashu Abebe (PhD)
The legal measures undertaken by the Ethiopian regime last week has once again brought about the issue of corruption to the spot light. According to the statement released by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission of Ethiopia, high ranking government officials and prominent business personalities have been arrested for their alleged involvement in corrupted practices. A measure against such high profile personalities prompts us to look at the various perspectives of addressing corruption in the country.  The measure gives an impression that the regime is determined to fight the rampant corruption in the country. But there are numerous issues surrounding the problem of corruption in the country and its implications.
Some commentators associate the measure taken by the regime in relation to the internal strife emerging within the party after the passing way of the godfather of the regime some eight months before. After the deaths of the only unifying force within otherwise a fragmented EPRDF leadership, the emergence internal struggle for dominance is a natural sequence. After all, applying the parameters of corruption to root out dissent within EPRDF is not a new phenomenon. Leaders of EPRDF, particularly Meles Zenawi, have been applying the rhetoric of fighting corruption to attack political opponents. The imprisonment of the former prime minister of the country Tamerat Layne as well the veteran TPLF leaders such as Seye Abreha in 2003 were largely associated with the use of corruption rhetoric to purge out power rivalries with in TPLF and the larger EPRDF circles. If the current campaign against corruption is taken in light of the rivalry among the various factions within the vanguard party, the implications are more serious to the survival of the regime and stability for the country in the short term since the power struggle is now conducted without any apparent ‘big man’ that may manipulate the power play to emerge victories. Due to this new scenario, the consequences of this power struggle may not be a limited one as it was before.
To emerge as victors in this power rivalry, each group will use every opportunity to attack the strong hold of the other groups. The problem will make the issue complicated as security officials and army generals are also involved in the power struggle and they are implicated in the rent-seeking trends rampant in the country. The involvement of the security and the military in the power struggle will create division that leads to conflict within the army. This will in turn creates political instability having serious implications to the country given the ethnicized political environment and the precarious economic situation that has been galvanized by hyper inflation. Since there are no strong institutions such as the media, civil society groups or other governmental institutions that may facilitate the smooth transition, the division may take the country into an unpredictable situation we have never dreamt of.
The other perplexing question with regard to the contemporary campaign against corruption is whether the regime is willing and capable of fighting corruption to the very end. In order to have some response to the issue, it is imperative to study the nature and behavior of the Ethiopian regime. In light of the power relations and the decision making process that have been developed within the regime, there appear to be no efficient system that could fight corruption effectively. As a typical African state, the Ethiopian regime is a neopatrimonial one where patrons use state resources in order to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population. Such a system is characterized by an informal patron-clientrelationship that can reach from very high up in state structures down to small villages.This has been the case with in the EPRDF controlled regime in Ethiopia. The regime claims to have more than 6 million members and increasingly forcing others co-opt with it for it has become increasingly difficult to get a job or freely conduct business without directly or indirectly supporting the regime.
EPRDF has monopolized productive resources such as land, capital, telecommunications, the banks as well as public utilities that expand rent-seeking behaviour. In addition to controlling government resources, the ruling party owns and manages businesses engaged in manufacturing and service industries that receive preferential access to land leases and credit. This has forced citizens to co-opt into the status quo for survival and obtain access to economic benefits. Since access to employment or benefits directly or indirectly requires loyalty to party policies, people are increasingly attempting to obtain favour in the eyes of the power holders rather than developing their competence, personal integrity and commitment to the rule of law.
The rent-seeking trend is exacerbated by the fact that the whole state machinery is largely controlled by less competent individuals who have much to gain by joining the ranks of the party. These less competent individuals are particularly attracted to the rank and file of the party structure due to their rent-seeking motives rather than because they are convinced by the system’s policies. From the beginning, their motive of joining the party is not ideological affiliation or commitment to public service. When such people are assigned to some positions, they immediately engage in corruption and due to lack of competence, they render poor public service. Such kind of personalities have infested the ranks and file of the institutions such as the parliament, the administrative agencies, regional legislative and executive organs up to the smallest kebele administrative units.
The whole power relation is entirely functioning on patron-client loyalty motivated by undue economic benefits rather than merit or ideological commitments. Such power relations have made corruption systemic in the country rather than an isolated incident you fight it through establishing anti-corruption commission or arresting few individuals. Since corruption is systemic in the country, fighting corruption to the very end will threaten the survival of the regime itself. Due to the threat to its very survival, the regime will stop the campaign against corruption at certain stage or only target junior government officials. If the regime determined to address corruption altogether, it is likely that the regime will disappears in the coming few years as its members and supporters will no more be interested to work with the system once they knew that the regime could not render them the benefits they were receiving for their support to the regime. The regime will be unlikely to engage in such kind of suicidal alternative that will wipe it out from its grip to power.
The regime’s action rather reminds me of a very interesting story we find in the bible under the Gospel of John chapter 8. In this text, Jesus went to the Mount of Olives and the scribes and Pharisees brought to him a woman taken in adultery. They said to him ‘Master, this woman was taken in adultery, in the very act. Now Moses in the law commanded us, that such should be stoned: but what sayest thou?’  But Jesus stooped down, and with his finger wrote on the ground, as though he heard them not.  When they continued asking him, he lifted up himself, and said unto them, He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her.  And again he stooped down, and wrote on the ground.   After that,being convicted by their own conscience went out one by one, beginning at the eldest, even unto the last: and Jesus was left alone, and the woman standing in the midst. In the same way, who in the regime is clean enough to accuse the others and cast the stone? One way or the other the ranks and file in the regime from top to bottom are engaged in corruptive practices. The very lifeline for the support of the regime is related to the army of supporters and members who have joined for job opportunities, financial incentives and getting priorities in public funds. Fighting corruption primarily requires clean hands and pure conscience!
The most effective way of fighting corruption is establishing accountable, transparent system where rule of law reigns. As things stands now, the percepts of revolutionary democracy do not permit the existence of independent institutions such as the media, civil society groups, effective parliament, the judiciary, Ombudsman and other democratic institutions that are instrumental in addressing corruption in the country. Without such institutions, it is almost impossible to address the trends of corruption consuming the country’s limited resources. The regime is unlikely to allow the existence of such institutions in the country as their existence amounts to the end of the police state it runs. What is the alternative way out? I presume we are yet to live with the rampant corruption in the country until the appointed time for freedom comes and we are able to install the institutions that address the root causes of corruption!

Friday, May 10, 2013

Tuesday, April 23, 2013

Behind the ethnic cleansing in Benishangul-Gumuz

By Fekade Shewakena 





While we are at it, it is good to know that this is a part of Ethiopia where even Sudanese nationals related to tribes inside Ethiopia freely move in and out as they wish and depending on the season of their comfort.  Note also that the Amharas are not a minority in this ethnic region.  Based on the 2007 census, Amharas with 21.8% are the second largest ethnic group among six other ethnic groups inhabiting the area. The largest ethnic group, the Berta, is only slightly larger than the Amhara at 25.4%.  Important to note is also that the Amhara are allowed only to elect officials to all levels of government but cannot be elected themselves - democracy Ethiopian style. And lo and behold, this is the area where we are building the huge Nile Dam that we are being asked to contribute money for  and that Sudan and Egypt hate like the plague.

Only the Ethiopian government media thinks it is hiding this horrific story.    Embassies of Ethiopia’s donor countries in Addis Ababa, who tirelessly tell us how they care for civilization and human rights, have also chosen to look the other way.  This barbarism is theirs too as they are underwriting it in so many ways. That may partly explain their silence.  The only silver lining I found in this whole sad story is that the local, indigenous tribes and ethnic groups have not joined the officials in this crime.  Many, we even heard, were sympathetic to the victims. We all need to be proud of them.  They have not lost their senses even as their chiefs lost theirs. 

But here is the major point.  Many Ethiopians seem to miss the root cause of this crime and get outraged at the chaffs.   The root cause of this ethnic cleansing and the factor that created it is embedded in the vision set out for Ethiopia by its rulers, the TPLF/EPRDF, as soon as they took power.   The officials of the Benishangul-Gumuz state and those in Guraferda, Bench Maji Zone, in the Southern Ethiopia Regional State, were executing a Grand Vision imbedded in the creation of the ethnic homeland – the Killil.    That is why some officials seem to be surprised by our surprise and were giving incoherent responses to some media interviews.  In a way, you can argue that the local officials who are doing this crime are also victims of the Grand Vision which they were told was a good official policy.  
The Benishangul officials somehow failed to learn from their comrades in the Southern Regional State in Guraferda Bench Maji who as we speak are doing the same thing.   Had they done it a few victims at a time, the outcry would have been easily muted.   In the Guraferda case, they seem to get smarter after doing a massive eviction when they started out last year.    Now they are doing it on “a smaller group of victims at a time” basis.  They seem to have learnt that the larger their victims the louder the visibility and outrage.   Other than that, the local officials are doing their job prescribed in the Grand Vision.

When Meles Zenawi said, “what is Axum to the Wolayita and the Castles of Gondar to the Oromo”, he may have spilled the beans quite early in his tenure, but he was not saying it out of ignorance or saying anything outside of what he believed.   The suggestion was to create a psychology among people that anybody born outside of your ethnic homeland does not belong with you - that Ethiopia’s numerous ethnic groups are mechanically joined units that share very little among one another.   The Grand Vision stipulates that the best way to divide and rule Ethiopia, and fight age-old and powerful Ethiopian nationalism that stood on their way, was to reduce it to divided units and inward-looking ethnic nationalism.  Of course, this was not an innovation by Meles or TPLF.    It was first invented by the Italians who twice invaded Ethiopia and, to their unforgettable surprise, found out that Ethiopian nationalism is more powerful to tear down, and that it is hard to divide Ethiopians along their ethnicity and conquer their country.  A version of the current ethnic map is first made by Italian strategists and visionaries, if you can call them that.   

Please don’t get me wrong.  I am all for the rights of ethnic groups to promote their cultures, languages, etc., and believe that any attempt at democratizing Ethiopia should do its best to do away with ethnic inequality in the country. I also know it is a challenge for any government trying to address it.  I have monkeyed with Marxism- Leninism when I was a collage kid.  When I began to see and understanding my country fully, I found out that any solution for Ethiopia’s ills can only be based by studying and understanding Ethiopia and its complexities and devising indigenous solutions and not by importing European ideas.  I believe we can find our own solutions.

Anybody who thinks that the motive behind the manufacturing of the “killil state” by the TPLF/EPRDF was to empower ethnic groups and help them promote their language, culture etc, and do away with ethnic inequality, was apparently taken for a ride or has not paid attention to the philosophy embedded in the formation of ethnic homelands – the killil.  The fact is you don’t necessarily need the ethnic killil to make ethnic groups or so called “nations” and “nationalities” and “peoples” equal.   In fact, for ethnic groups to be equal citizens in the country, you don’t necessarily have put them inside a geographic enclave.  I am a student of geography.    I can make you digital maps of ideal federal states that can be optimally used to help avoid inequality between ethnic groups, fight poverty, and strengthen the Ethiopian union, all at the same time, by crunching hundreds of variables on a computer.  It is even possible to avoid the current ridiculous hierarchical classification of ethnic groups into “nations”, “nationalities” and “peoples” which inherently perpetuates inequality.  

The current practice only exposes the regime that it does not have even a slight commitment to the rights of ethnic groups.  I know many have come to this conclusion by looking at what the regime is doing to the Agnuak inGambella.   According to current practice in Ethiopia, you will lose your citizenship rights, if you are a citizen at all, as soon as you move from your designated ethnic homeland and move to another.   Think about it.  In the country where I currently live, the son of a Kenyan immigrant is the President of the country.  When I think of it, it painfully reminds me of how far in the past my beautiful Ethiopia still lives in.   My children and grand children can become presidents or senators in the country that gave me refuge.   My relatives who live outside of their ethnic homeland in their own country are not allowed to run and hold even a “kebele” office.   It is simply unconscionable that this is happening in the twenty first century.   

Has anybody wondered why individuals of mixed ethnicity, which probably number more than thirty million, are forced to choose between their father’s and mother’s ethnicity when they are issued ID cards? Isn’t this a crime against an entire people?
So please don’t tell me that the ethnic homeland states of Ethiopia are set up with the good intention of helping ethnic groups achieve equality.   Meles Zenawi and those who shared his Marxist- Leninist views very well know that there cannot be a sustainable oppression of one group of people by another without an economic basis.  The only economic basis with which the ruling classes in Ethiopia in the past, be it Amahara or a multiethnic class, was able to oppress another group for a long period of time was because of unequal land ownership.   But the dergue, Mengistu Hailemariam’s government, has done away with that seventeen years before the TPLF took over.  The dergue also targeted Amharas and killed many.   In the absence of an economic basis to point to as the basis of oppression, TPLF leaders have to manufacture some tool.   The only tool they found in their tool box was linguistic differences and the hatred of the “other”.    People were encouraged to hate one another and feel their differences with others more than what they share in common.   That was why they dismissed Ethiopia’s long recorded history, the very thing that joins us in pride as Ethiopians as “Teret” (folk tale).   I see many countries use even mythologies to help them promote their union. In Ethiopia we are asked to despise even the facts on our record.

It appears that this hate is bearing bigger fruits with time and that is exactly what we are seeing in Benishangul Gumuz and Guraferda now.  What we are reaping is what has been sawn, and I am afraid this is not going to be the end of it and may not stop at the Amhara.   We are hearing that some of the Benishangul deportees are now allowed to return. Most probably this is due to the need to mute the worldwide outcry and appease some donors but not out of the realization of the wrong they did.  The damage is already done. I have no idea how this traumatized people would live a normal and secure life even if they are returned.   Some who are very traumatized are even saying they will better die on a street anywhere than return back.

If Ato Meles Zenawi was alive today, I am sure he would pull all his word-craft to justify the crime in Benishangul-Gumuz.   He already did justify the deportation from Guraferda in front of the “parliament” last year by saying that the Amhara “settlers” were destroying forests and doing unplanned use of land.   He didn’t even care his justification run in violation of the constitution.  You see, in civilized communities across the world, the constitution is meant to protect the people from government excesses and the power government holds over people.  In Ethiopia it is only quoted when there is a need to protect the government from the people and often to intimidate and throw critics and opponents into the kaliti dungeon.

The whole idea and talk about oppression of nations and nationalities, as they call them, was propagated only to patronize the ethnic elites and facilitate their cooperation in the Bantustanization of Ethiopia and reduce the country to units manageable to rule. That was how you could manufacture surrogate ethnic parties.  This was the reason the multiethnic Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM) was forced to become an ethnic Amhara party overnight, though it is obvious that none of it looks like a party created to help Amharas.

Folks, whether you like it or not, this is the vision that will definitely challenge Ethiopia’s survival as a nation in the future.  And this is the vision that all of Ethiopia’s officialdom and party cadres are swearing to preserve.  Be afraid not only for the Amhara, this poison embedded in the philosophy of our government’s ethnic policy can destroy Ethiopia if left unreformed.   This fire will catch more forests.  You ain’t seen nothin' yet, as my American friends would say.

Yes, we are witnessing a painful tragedy in progress and I understand why many of you are crying.  I myself did shade some tears when listening to the voices of the unfortunate.   But don’t let your tears cloud you from seeing the real reason. There is a need for a huge change in Ethiopia.
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The writer can be reached at Fekadeshewakena@yahoo.com


Sunday, April 21, 2013

Reeyot Alemu: Ethiopia's Jailed Truth Teller

By Nina Strochlic, The Daily Beast 

She’s spent the last 669 days languishing behind the bars of a notoriously brutal prison, but Ethiopian journalist Reeyot Alemu has not been forgotten. On Tuesday, the 32-year-old female dissident was honored with the 2013 UNESCO-Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize. In announcing the prize, the jury hailed her “exceptional courage, resistance and commitment to freedom of expression.” But no amount of international awards and public outcry have succeeded in gaining her freedom—and her medical condition is reportedly deteriorating. After recently undergoing surgery for a breast tumor, she was immediately sent back to the Kality Prison with no downtime for recovery, according to reports.

Last year, the International Women’s Media Foundation bestowed a Courage in Journalism Award on Alemu in absentia for her “refusal to self-censor in a place where that practice in standard, and her unwillingness to apologize for truth-telling, even though contrition could win her freedom.” At the ceremony, the presenters read a note from Alemu that had been smuggled out of prison. “For EPRDF [Ethiopia’s ruling party], journalists must be propaganda machines,” she wrote.
Alemu worked, among other roles, as a columnist for the weekly independent paper Feteh, which was later shuttered by the government. Four days before her arrest, Alemu had written a scathing critique of the ruling political party’s fundraising methods for a national dam project, and had apparently drawn parallels between late Libyan despot Muammar Gaddafi and Ethiopia’s then-Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi. (He would die a year later, in August 2012.)
On June 21, 2011, Alemu was seized from the high-school English class she taught, and placed under arrest, with reportedly no information about why she was being detained alongside another journalist and two politicians.
Her outspoken criticism on political and social issues was not viewed lightly by the government, which has been notoriously suppressive of the press for decades. In 2012, the Committee to Protect Journalists named Ethiopia as one of the ten countries where press freedom suffered most.
“The group was caught while plotting to sabotage electricity and telephone lines in an attempt to wreak havoc in the country,” the assistant commissioner police chief claimed.
“Further investigation has also revealed that they acted to recruit others to carry out terrorist activities with support from the Eritrean government and other anti-peace groups.”
The government reportedly used Alemu’s articles and a recorded phone call about a peaceful protest as evidence to charge her under a vague 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. She was sentenced her to 14 years behind bars. A year later, the sentence was commuted to five years, and an appeals court dropped two of three charges, with the promotion of “terrorist activity” as the last charge standing.
Similar charges have been used against multiple journalists in Ethiopia over the past few years, including two Swedes sentenced to 11 years (but later released) for reporting on rebel groups. During three months of pretrial detention, Alemu reportedly had no access to legal counsel.
“She looked fragile but she is a survivor,” said one of the Swedish journalists, of the last time he saw Alemu, in August. She is being held alongside blogger Eskinder Nega and young politicians Andualem Aragie and Natinael Mekonnen. Many other journalists have passed through the notorious prison.
Alemu, refusing offers of clemency in exchange for providing information on other journalists, was punished with nearly two weeks in solitary confinement. On January 8th, an Ethiopian court upheld her five-year conviction. A few days earlier, renowned American journalists Christiane Amanpour and Cynthia McFadden wrote an open letter condemning her treatment and pleading for Alemu’s release.
But Alemu is still being threatened. In early April, prison officials accused her of “disrespecting prison policies” and “planning to share information on human rights violations in Kaliti prison with the media.” They are apparently considering punishing her with solitary confinement and denying family visits, legal counsel, and medical care. In a statement, the Committee to Protect Journalists wrote: “Prison authorities have threatened Reeyot with solitary confinement for two months as punishment for alleged bad behavior toward them and threatening to publicize human rights violations by prison guards.”
Despite rumors of deteriorating health, Alemu continues to bravely serve her time, to the reverence of supporters ranging from the international community to her own family. Reeyot's father, Ato Alemu, told reporters last year he supports his daughter’s refusal to bend to government pressure. “I would rather have her not plead for clemency,” he said, “for she has not committed any crime.”