Tuesday, October 23, 2012

For being critical of Meles, couple separated in prison

By CHARLES ONYANGO-OBBO 
When Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died on August 20, he took with him not just a secret about him but about other strongmen-cum-reformist African leaders.
That secret is why they resort to pulling fingernails and become intolerant of dissidence – when they don’t have to and could do much better with a more liberal and democratic approach.
For nearly three weeks before Meles died, the Internet had been abuzz with gleeful claims that he had passed away in a Belgian hospital. And when it was officially announced that he had, there was no shortage of his many enemies celebrating his death. The excitement of it all was shocking.

I met Meles for the first, and last, time in early March of 2006. There had been hotly contested elections in March 2005. The opposition accused Meles and his ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition of a massive theft of the vote. There were protests all over the country with the most violent ones being in the capital, Addis Ababa.

Meles cracked down on the protests with a vengeance that shocked his international allies and horrified many Ethiopians. He pulled pages out from the darkest days of Ethiopia’s murderous military junta leader Mengistu Haile Mariam.
Nearly 100 people were killed.
I was part of a delegation picked by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) – together with CPJ Africa Programme Director Julia Crawford, and veteran journalist and CPJ Board member Charlayne Hunter-Gault – to travel to Ethiopia to plead for the many journalists who had been arrested in the crackdown and charged with treason.

We met Serkalem Fassil, then a 26-year-old beautiful Ethiopian woman. She was, officially, publisher of the Asqual, Menelik and Sanetaw titles. She was five months pregnant, and had been in prison since November 2005.

Eskinder Nega, her fiancé, had been in and out of prison seven times in the past few years. He was the real power behind Asqual, Menelik and Senataw but put Serkalem’s name on the titles as publisher because she was less controversial.
Eksinder and Serkalem were both being held at Kaliti Prison on the outskirts of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. Kaliti was then a sprawling prison. In the hot season, according to prisoners’ accounts, the cells turned into a sauna. In the cold season they became an ice box.

Until our visit, Eskinder and Serkalem had not been allowed to see each other. That, however, was not their main concern: their biggest fear was whether their child, their first, would be born in prison.

They were among the nearly 27 journalists arrested in a crackdown on the independent media in the wake of the protests.

In addition to the journalists, more than 100 opposition politicians, NGO activists, lawyers and trade union leaders had also been arrested and charged with conspiracy to overthrow the constitutional order and to commit genocide and other serious crimes for which punishment ranges from 15 years in prison to death.

Scary place to be a journalist

Eskinder and Serkalem were likely to spend the rest of their lives behind bars – if they survived the hangman’s noose.
Ethiopia then, as today, was a very scary place to be a journalist. At that point, if you threw in other cases of journalists who had been arrested over cases unrelated to the post-election fallout, Ethiopia had the highest number of scribes in prison in Africa, and the third highest in the world after China and Cuba. Many had fled – and continued to flee – into exile.

It’s a situation that seemed unlikely even in the final days of the campaigns in May 2005. At that time the government gave the opposition unprecedented access to state broadcast media. On weekends they got as many as four hours of airtime.
While up to 2001 the government had been one of the leading jailers of journalists in the world, it improved its record dramatically and opened 2005 with hardly any in prison.


Saturday, October 20, 2012

ስልጣንን ከኦርቶዶክስ እና ከአማራ ነጥቅናት !!! “የስብሃት ነጋ ቅኔ”


ህወሃት ጠላቶቼ ናቸው ብሎ ከሚቆጥራቸው መካከል ዋነኞቹ የአማራ ህዝብና፤ የኦሮቶዶክስ ተዋህዶ ቤተክርስትያን
ናቸው። እዚህ ላይ “ተፈጥሮና አማራ የትግራይ ህዝብ ቀንደኛ ጠላቶች ናቸው”  ብለው ጽፈው የተማማሩበትን
ማስታወስ ያስፈልጋል። ኦሮቶዶክስ ቤተክርስትያን እያለችም እቅዳችንን ማስፈጸም አንችልም ባሉት መሠረትም
ቤተክርስትያኒቷን ለሦስት እንድትከፈል ማድረጋቸውም የሚዘነጋ አይደለም።
ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ ከቂምና በቀል በስተቀር ፍቅርን የማያውቀው እና በእርጅና ዘመኑ እንኳ ራሱን መግራት ያቃተው
ስብሃት ነጋ የተባለው ክፉ ዘረኛ በቅርቡ “ስልጣንን ከኦሮቶዶክስና ከአማራ እጅ ነጠቅናት ይህም የትግላችን ውጤት ነው” 
ማለቱን ሰምተናል። ባለፉት አርባ ዓመታት የትኛው አማራ፤ የትኛው ኦሮቶዶክስ ስልጣን ይዞ ነበር ቢባል ግን መልስ
የለውም። የከሃዲው ስብሃት ነጋ አባባል ግን ለአማራ ህዝብና ለኦሮቶዶክስ ቤተክርስትያን ያለውን ሥር የሰደደ ጥላቻ
ቁልጭ አድርጎ የሚያሳይ ነው። መለስ ዜናዊም በህይወት ዘመኑ ለቤተክርስትያኒቷና ለአማራ ህዝብ ባለው ጥላቻ
መሠረት ቤተክርስትያኒቷን ለማፍረስ የቻለውን ሁሉ አድርጓል። የአማራንም ህዝብ ለማጥፋት ብዙ አረመኔያዊ
ተግባራትን ፈጽሟል።በእርሱ የአገዛዝ ዘመን ከሁለት ሚሊዮን በላይ አማራ ከቁጥሩ ጎድሎ የት እንደገባ ሳይታወቅ
ቀርቷል።
ከሁለት ሚሊዮን በላይ የአማራ ህዝብ የት ገባ ተብሎ የተጠየቀው መለስ ዜናዊ ያለምንም እፈረትና ታሪክና ሰው ምን
ይለኛል ሳይል “በኤድስ አልቋል” ብሎ በድፍረት መልስ ሰጥቷል።ይሄ በጣም አሳፋሪ እና ነውር ነገር ነው። በተለይም
አገርን እመራለሁ ብሎ በህዝብ አናት ላይ ከተቀመጠ ሰው አንደበት ሲወጣ። ህወሃቶች እንዲህ ያለውን አሳፋሪንና ነውር
ነገረን ለይተው አያውቁም ማለት አይቻልም። አንድን ህዝብ ለይተው “በኤድስ አለቀ” ብሎ መናገር ነውር መሆኑን
ጠንቅቀው ያውቃሉ። ነውር መሆኑን እያወቁ እንዲህ ያለ አሳፋሪ ነገር በአደባባይ እንዲናገሩ የሚያደርጋቸው በእድሜም
ሆነ በትምህርት መገራት ያልቸለው ትእቢታቸውና በአጠቃላይ ለአማራ ህዝብ ያላቸው ሥር የሰደደ ጥላቻ መሆኑን
መገንዘብ ያስፈልጋል። ህወሃት ራሱን የአማራ ህዝብ ጠላት ነኝ ብሏል። ህወሃትን ጠላት አይደለም ብሎ መከራከር
እማይቻልበት ደረጃ ላይም ተደርሷል።በጋምቤላ እና በኦጋዴን ላይ የተፈፀመው ግድያ በዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል ውስጥ
ተመድቧል። በኦሮሞ እና በደቡብ ህዝቦች ላይ የተፈፀመውን ወንጀል ዘርዝረነው አንዘልቅም። የህወሃት ህልም
በማንኛውም መንገድ ስልጣኑን ይዞ እርሱና እርሱ የፈቀደላቸው ብቻ ሲኖሩ ሌላው የእነርሱ አኗኗሪ ሁኖ እንዲኖር ነው።
ህልምና ራዕያቸውም እነርሱ የበላይ ሌላው የበታች ተኩኖ የሚኖርበት ሥርዓት እንዲገነባ ነው።እንዲህ ያለ ነገር
አይጠቅምም የሚለውን ሁሉ አሸባሪ እና ጠላት ነው ብለው የቻሉትን ገድለዋል፤ ለመግደል ያልቻሉትንም የእድሜ ልክ
እስራት ፈርደዋል።ይሄ ሁሉ ተደምሮ የሚያሳየን ህወሃቶች የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጠላቶች መሆናቸውን ነው እንጂ ወዳጆች
መሆናቸውን አይደለም። እንግዲህ ትግሉም መቀኘት ያለበት ከዚህ አቅጣጫ መሆን ይኖርበታል።
እናንተ እየመራችሁኝ እኔ እየተከተልኳችሁ እንዘልቃለን ያለው ኃ/ማሪያም ደሳለኝ የተባለው ግለሰብ በጠቅላይ
ሚንስትርነት ከተመደበ በኋላ የህወሃት አባት ነው የሚባለው ስብሃት ነጋ “ስልጣንን ከኦርቶዶክስና ከአማራ ነጠቅናት” 
ብሎ መናገሩ ለአማራው ህዝብ እና ለኦሮቶዶክስ ቤተክርስትያን ያለውን ጥላቻ ከማሳየት በቀር ያሳየው በጎ ነገር የለም።
ስብሃት ነጋም ሊነግረን የፈለገው መልእክት ለአማራና ለቤተክርስትያኒቷ ያለውን ጥላቻ እንጂ ፍቅርን አይደለም። ይሄ

ማለት ሌሎችን ህዝቦች ይወዳል ማለት አይደለም። አሁንም ደግመን እንናገራለን ይህ ግለሰብና ቡድኑ በአጠቃላይ
የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጠላቶች ናቸው።
ህወሃት እንደ ህዝብ አማራን፤ እንደ ድርጅት ኦሮቶዶክስ ኃይማኖትን ለማጥፋት የጭካኔ ሰይፉን ከሰገባው የመዘዘው ገና
ድሮ ሕፃን ሳለ መሆኑ ይታወቃል።ባለፉት ሃያ አንድ ዓመታት የአማራን ህዝብ ቀጥቅጠዋል፤ አዋርደዋል፤ ገድለዋል፤
አሳደዋል፤ ለርሃብና ለእርዛት ዳርገዋል። በአማራ ህዝብ ላይ የተነዛው የጥላቻ ፕሮፖጋንዳ እና የተፈፀመው ወንጀል
መቼም መቼም የሚረሳ አይደለም። በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ኦሮቶዶክስ ተዋህዶ ቤተክርስትያንን የዘረኞችና የአመንዝሮች
መጫወቻ አድርገዋታል። አሁን ደግሞ አንድነቱን ጠብቆ ለብዙ ዘመን የኖረውን የሙስሊሙን ማህበረሰብ ለመበጥበጥ
የጥፋት ሰይፋቸውን መዘዋል። በኦሮቶዶክስ ቤተክርስትያን ላይ አባ ገ/መድህንን በመሾም ቤተክርስትያኒቷን
እንዳዋረዷት ሁሉ በሙስሊምሙ ላይ ታማኝ ካድሬያቸውን በመሾም የምእመኑን አንድነት ለማፍረስ ሌተ ተቀን
እየማሰኑ ይገኛሉ። ይሄ ድንቁርና የወለደው ትዕቢት የሚተነፍስበት ግዜ ግን እሩቅ አይሆንም።
የተከበራችሁ ወገኖቻችን !
ህወሃቶች ከጥፋታቸው መመለስ የሚችሉ አይደሉም። የህዝቡን ትእግስት እንደፍርሃት ቆጥረው “ሽንታም”  ብለው
ከመሳደብ ተመልሰው ወደ ልቦናቸው የሚመጡ አይደሉም። ካለኛ ጀግና ካለኛ ሰው የለም ብለውም የእኛን እድል
ፈንታ ወሳኞች እነርሱ ሁነዋል። ኢትዮጵያዊያንም እነርሱ ሲፈቅዱ የሚኖሩ፤ እነርሱ ካልፈቀዱለትም መኖር የማይችሉ
ዜጎች ሁነዋል። እኛ ወርቅ አንተ ግን ወርቅ ያልሆንክ ብለው በአደባባይ መናገራቸውንም በትዝብት ተመለክተናል።
እንግዲህ እስከ መቼ በህወሃቶች ፈቃድ እንኖራለን ?አስከመቼስ እነርሱ ለይተው በወሰኑልን መንገድ
እንጓዛለን ?እንዴትስ የእነርሱ አኗኗሪ ሁነን እንዘልቃለን?
የተከበራችሁ ወገኖቻችን ሆይ !
አሁን ለራሱ ክብር የሚሰጥ ዜጋ ትክክለኛውን መልስ ይፈልግ።ትክክለኛዋ መልስ ከሂሊናችን ማህደር ውስጥ አለች።
እርሷም “ ነፃነት ወይም ሞት ! ” የምትል ነች።
ግንቦት ሰባት የፍትህ፤ የነጻነትና የዴሞክራስ ንቅናቄ ለጥያቄዋ መልስ አግኝተን ነፃነት ወይም ሞት ካልን ቆይተናል።
ህወሃቶች ተጭነውን እኛ ተሸክመናቸው አብረን ልንኖር አንችልም። እነርሱም ሳይጫኑን እኛም ሳንሸከማቸው በነፃነት
የምንኖርባት ኢትዮጵያ እስከምትፈጠር ድረስ የምር ከመታገል ውጪ ሌላ አማራጭ አለ ብለን አናምንም።ስለዚህ
የጀመርነውን ትግል በጀመርነው መንገድ አጠናክረን እንቀጥላለን። ህወሃቶች የተመረኮዙት የሸንበቆ ምርኩዝ ተሰብሮ
የነፃነት ጎህ እስኪቀድ ድረስ ሳናፈገፍግ እንታገላለን። እናሸንፋለንም።ያን ግዜም ስልጣንን ከዚህ ህዝብ ከዚያ ህዝብ
ነጠኳት የሚል ትዕቢተኛ አይኖርም።ስልጣን ከኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የሚሰጥ እንጂ የሚነጠቅ አይደለም።






Tuesday, October 16, 2012

ALERT! AGENTS OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSERS SEEK ACCREDITATION


by Wondimu Mekonnen
On 10th October 1991, few months after the TPLF/EPRDF led rebel (terror[i]) group took over the power in Addis Ababa, Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam, a retired Professor of Addis Ababa University saw how the new regime dealt with citizens in ferocity with iron fists. He foresaw the brutality they may unleash upon Ethiopians and spearheaded the establishment of Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO). EHRCO was created legally and obtained its certificate to openly advocate for human rights regardless of the harassment and persecution of its activists and members, including the life of its Executive Member, Assefa Maru. It started educating the people about the rights, published hundreds of accounts of atrocities committed by those in power and gained credibility both at home and internationally. For his action, Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam paid dearly to the extent of being jailed for speaking up for human rights and bear long term hunger strike for his rights. This took place following  his addressing of University students along with Dr Berhanu Nega on human rights.
One of the tried and proved methods of destroying national institutions of the country by the current regime in Ethiopia is cloning organisations in its own image, to replace the genuine ones. In order to silence EHRCO, it had to create a surrogate fake human rights organisation to destroy the genuine one. At the time, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam saw it as a good step by the “government” because he thought that would give them a chance to learn how to respect human rights. Many of us who knew the true colour of TPLF from inception to maturity rejected the idea since we know that was just a new trick to undermine EHRCO. Our fear became a reality.
To know the nature of TPLF one does not need to be a rocket scientist. Cloning fake organisations is its best art of deception of the international community. It just did that with Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Union (CELU), Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA) and many others. Therefore, when the regime in power realised that it could not carry on committing crime against humanity while EHRCO was around, it decided to clone its own “Human Rights Organisation” that would exactly sound like EHRCO in violation of patent and copy rights law. On 4th July 2000 (it looked like to deliberately match the Independence Day of The USA), the dictatorial tribalist regime created its own “human rights organisation” with fanfare – The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission by proclamation No 210/2000[ii]. At the time of preparation for the fanfare, the Ethiopian Diaspora received lists of invited guests from all over the world including Rt Hon Betty Boothroyd, the Speaker of the House of Commons in the UK. The exiled Ethiopian community activists prepared a dossier containing catalogues of atrocities committed by the regime in Addis Ababa and sent it together with a letter to each and every person on the list pleading to boycott the fanfare. We succeeded! We received letters from hundreds of invitees, including Ms Boothoryd confirming that they would not putting their feet on soil where such fake event was going to take place.
If there had been justice in the land, EHRCO would have legally challenged the creation of another “EHRCO” and forced it to change at least the name to something “appropriate”. Unfortunately, that did not happen. The true EHRCO’s money was confiscated and their legal existence restricted.
Among the five fascistic rules edited by the regime one can find “The Charities and Societies Proclamation law (CSO law)” a “repressive new law which could criminalise the human rights activities of both foreign and domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs).”[iii]This law gave the right to hit EHRCO, forcing it to drop the word “Ethiopian” from its name to become hrco as it “would confuse the public” with the “legitimatidrf” extended arm of Human Rights abusers – The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. Ever since its creation, the cloned “EHRC” (thanks for dropping the “o”) has not exposed a single crime committed by the regime apart from attempting to protect the dictatorial regime’s action which have been systematically exposed by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and other credible human rights organisations.
Now, EHRCO reduced to “hrco” penniless and powerless, the regime went on editing laws after laws that curtailed human rights. The Press law and Broadcast Proclamation No. 533[iv], the CSO law and new “anti-terrorism law”[v] have successfully gagged the press and silenced the opposition. As per Amnesty International’s report reveals, “Thousands of protesters, political party leaders, journalists and human rights defenders were arrested and detained following the disputed November 2005 elections in which the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) retained political power.” While we hear the domestic and international cries against the gross violation of human rights in Ethiopia by the EHRC’s creators, we have yet to see or hear a word against these crimes from EHRC but to the contrary defending the perpetrators.
Eleven journalists convicted under Anti-Terrorism LawJust reading pages of Committee to Protect journalists reveals horrific miscarriage of justice against journalists[vi]and opposition activists. Eleven journalists including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Woubshet Taye have been convicted under Anti-Terrorism Law and serving up to 18 years jail sentence. Andualem Arage, Nathnael Mekonnen, Mitiku Damte, Yeshiwas Yehunalem, Kinfemichael Debebe, Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher and many others opposition members are also sentenced up to death under the same laws but EHRC justifies that by silence.
EHRC is led by none but an official of the dictatorial regime
Ambassador Tiruneh Zena
EHRC is led by none but an official of the dictatorial regime appointee Ambassador Tiruneh Zena. He may be wrapped in a designer clothes but one can read from his eyes there is nothing kindness in them that is crucial to for one to stand with the victims. While EHRC silently watching, hundreds of thousands have been evicted from their birth place and their farm land sold to global agro-conglomerate[vii]. The Human Rights Ombudsman Commissioner’s eyes cannot see injustices perpetrated against innocent people, he doesn’t want to know or hear cries of victims of those who hired him to sit at the clones human rights commissioner. He wouldn’t want to know whythousands are rotting in jail, why millions are flooding into exile. He occupies the office and gets his salary for silence. Now he is seeking legitimacy from the United Nations for his excellent job of turning blind eye on the atrocities committed right under his nose[viii].
The need to be accredited by the United Nations gives the Commissioner and his bosses two advantages. From one angle, he may seek funding to keep his inactive office alive and may even share the money with his bosses. On the other hand he would try to claim recognition for silence on human rights abuse in Ethiopia as legitimate. This would undermine Amnesty International’s and Human Rights Watches Reports. If he succeeds, Zena would be awarded with a medal of the heist honour in the country for his service in the violation of human rights.
This writer would like request all peace loving members of the international community, every Ethiopian in exile and all human rights organisations throughout the world, to take up the matter with the UN and demand justice for the victims by preventing the imposter from taking up a seat in the UN and succeeding in fooling that prestigious organisation. The AU had turned into dictators club, but there is time to the reputation of UN from becoming the next. Individual victims, who have left their loved ones behind and went into exile, may flood the United Nations with letters requesting to block the application of the fake human rights organisation. When you write the letter to the UN, make sure you copy Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Let these two credible organisations know what the sneaky dictators are about to achieve and also let them know that we do thank them for exposing crimes committed in Ethiopia against innocent people and continue discharging their duties as they are the only hope we count on to stand with the victims of dictatorship in Ethiopia.
Please send your protest letter to the following addresses:
Ms. Katharina Rose
ICC Geneva Representative
UNOG – Palais des Nations
Tel + 41 22 917 16 74
Email: k.rose@europe.com

Mr. Vladlen Stefanov,
Chief, National Institutions and Regional Mechanisms Section
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Tel: +41 22 928 9377
Email: vstefanov@ohchr.org

Hailemariam Desalegn parroting dead tyrant

by Abebe Gellaw
Hailemariam Desalegn’s recent interview with Peter Heinlein of VOA confirms that his rise to the helm of power can be largely attributed to his opportunistic imitation of how the late dictator talked and walked as well as his commitment to serving TPLF bigwigs that control him as their Trojan horse.
Hailemariam called political prisoners such as famed journalist Enskinder Nega and Andualem Aragie “terrorists” that wear two hats operating legally and illegally as operatives of terrorist organizations. He claimed that protecting the country from these kinds of people is a national priority.
Despite the fact that Hailemariam tried to portray himself as a God-fearing Christian, it turns out that this man of God has no qualms about the injustice and atrocities being committed against defenseless citizens by the brutal regime he took over as Prime Minister. Hailemariam gave no hint of reform and political concessions including the release of political prisoners or opening up the repressive political system that crushes peaceful dissent in violation its own constitution.
He defended the anti-terrorism law and the unjust incarceration of journalists and dissidents. According to Hailemariam, the regime is punishing only those who wear two hats and operate legally as journalists and dissidents and illegally as operatives of terrorist and violent organizations.
His convoluted, repetitive and at times unintelligent answer to a simple question why the government resorts to repression and blocking the free flow of information, Hailemariam did his best to use his dead boss’s [that he calls the “Great Leader”] words and catch phrases such as “crossing the red line and wearing two hats”.
In response to how he views the dominance of the TPLF that ruled the country in exclusion of the others, he made his best to please his TPLF bosses by denying the obvious and saying that EPRDF is composed of four “parties” that have equal share of power. According to Hailemariam, his election as Prime Minister is a “living witness” of the “internal democracy and equity” within the EPRDF.
“For those who say that EPRDF is biased to certain ethnic groups, is a false and unwarranted speculation… Internal party democracy is the basis of our strength,” he claimed in an interview punctuated with numerous factual [and grammatical] errors.
Asked why websites and other media outlets are being blocked, Hailemariam said that even in the United States Osama Bin Laden’s blo is not allowed. “You cannot open a blog of Osama Bin Laden in the United States. So it is the same,” he said.
—-
Following are excerpts from the VOA interview where Hailemariam tried to answer a couple of fundamental questions confronting him:
Peter Heinlein: One of the first things that Ethiopians notice about the change from Prime Minister Meles to you is that you are not part of a minority group and the armed struggle perceived as having ruled the country to the exclusion of the other larger ethnic groups. Can you say that the Tigrayan influence on Ethiopian politics is in decline?  How do you answer to skeptics who say that the TPLF is still in control behind the scene?
HMD: Well, first of all, if you want to understand the whole situation you have to understand our party. Our party is a coalition of four major parties in the country… These are the four coalitions [sic] of the EPRDF.
EPRDF was initially been [sic] established by the two parties which has been [sic] in armed struggle in the Northern part of Ethiopia. TPLF was the pioneer of this struggle and so later on joined by the Amhara National Democratic Movement [sic] and then against by the OPDO and finally after the overthrow of Derg the Southern Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Movement has joined EPRDF….
After the renewal process, since the last ten years [sic] the renewal process has brought up a new, I mean, refined strategy and policy in line of the party. So in this regard, all the parties has [sic] gone into a new movement and has [sic] become parties which has [sic] embraced the same line, the same experience, I mean, the same way of working within the internal party system and almost equitable way of engagement. Even if there are natural differences with experience everywhere…
So I think all the four parties has [sic] equal settings in all the EPRDF mechanisms like the council, the party congress, assignments. The witness is I am the product of this process. So it is a living witness. For those who speculate that EPRDF is biased towards certain groups or ethnic groups, it is based on the powerful influence of this or the other group is a false and unwarranted speculation. So we see internally, in our party system the first and foremost thing is a democratic discourse. You know, internal party democracy is the basis of our strength. So those who are thinking from outside, they think without knowing the inside of the party. We have to explain this properly to those who are confused because they don’t understand the party mechanism and how the party operates.
This party is internally a democratic party. All its decisions and engagements are made in a democratic fashion. Therefore, you cannot say that this or the other party is influencing or overriding the other parties because all the all parties are equal number of constituents, I mean, individuals, that constitute the EPRDF and they have all the influence necessary if they want in a democratic process…
Peter Heinlein: Ethiopia has been criticized in some quarters for its tight control over the flow of information. Critical newspapers have been forced to close, journalists have been accused of violating anti-terrorism laws, and websites have been blocked, even VOA has been jammed, foreign broadcasts have been jammed. What would your government do particularly in this high profile cases such as that of the newspaper Fiteh that has been closed and the jailing of very critical blogger-journalist Eskinder Nega?
HMD: I know that these are your friends and you are so much sympathetic about them. The only thing is, Peter, you have to understand that anybody who has two hats should stop to wear two hats and should wear only one hat in a possible way. These two hats are one hat in a legal system, legal operating on the other hand having the other hat, which is illegal and violent working with a violent organization.
People who are arrested in Ethiopia are not arrested or convicted because they are working in a legal manner. Those who are arrested are has a connection with violent organizations. They are not convicted because of their journalistic business. It is allowed, you know have been there, you have been operating there but you couldn’t cross the red line ahhh to have a connection supporting a violent organization, terrorist organization. That is a case and I think it is a national security matter. It is a different thing. It is not journalism; it is not opposition.
Opposition doesn’t operate in illegal and violent manner connecting itself with ahhh, by the way, with terrorist groups. These are individuals not parties. We have never convicted any party because we know that those legally registered can operate legally in the country. But individuals who are registered with these parties but having two registration, one registration legal parties the other registration with illegal and violent terrorist parties.
They will be convicted for not legally hat but for the other hat which is illegal, violent and connection with terrorist organizations. So we have to differentiate between the two. If they stop clearly, unequivocally without any hesitation to work on the legal spectrum it is always the room is there [sic], the place is there.
If they mix the two, then we delineate between the legal one and the illegal, violent, terrorist one and for the action which is the second hat the violent and terrorist connection and support. Then that will be convicted according to the law of the land and will be punishable. I think these differences should be understood for you. In the United States it is not a problem because journalists do not go illegal way.
They go for legal and they have only got one hat. They do not have a mixed hat. So that is the difference between here and in Ethiopia. Unusually the Western countries do not understand the mix because they do not have this problem. They just see that all journalists work in legal manner. They don’t have this problem of illegal and the other hat. So that difference is sometimes confused. As far as we are concerned we focus for [sic] our national security interest.
Our national security interest cannot be compromised somebody having a two hat. We want to tell them properly that they have to have only and only one hat, which is legal and the legal way of doing things between journalism and opposition discourse. But if they opt to have two mixed functions then we are very clear to differentiate the two. People should be questioned for illegal and violent terrorist connection.
Peter Heinlein: What would be your government’s position on may be possibly opening up a little bit on the issue of press freedom. Right now websites are blocked, foreign broadcasts jammed and newspapers are being closed.

HMD: This I think should be very clear that my government has no policy of blocking these issues. It is depending on the websites or whatever that comes in. If there is any connection with these kind of organisations it is obvious that is done in every country. You cannot open a blog of Osama Bin Laden in the United States. So it is the same.

Sunday, October 14, 2012

Egypt Is Prepared To Bomb All Of Ethiopia’s Nile Dams


Michael Kelley and Robert Johnson | Oct. 13, 2012 –

In 2010 Egypt discussed taking military action in cooperation with Sudan against Ethiopia to protect their stake in Nile River, according to internal emails from the U.S. private-security firm Stratfor.
Egypt and Sudan get 90 percent of the river’s water under colonial-era accords while upstream countries including Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania, Kenya and Ethiopia have been clamoring for a new deal during more than a decade of talks.
The Nile flows south to north, making it one of only a handful of rivers in the world to do so and one of only two in Africa.
So, rather than Cairo sitting at the mouth of the massive water supply, it sits dead last—subject to all the whims and fancies of each upstream nation. With several factional governments upstream and the premium on fresh water, diplomacy only goes so far.
A dispatch from May 26, 2010, that cited information from a Egyptian diplomatic source points to the country’s frustration:
Sudanese president Umar al-Bashir has agreed to allow the Egyptians to build an a small airbase in Kusti to accommodate Egyptian commandos who might be sent to Ethiopia to destroy water facilities on the Blue Nile… It will be their option if everything else fails
The Blue Nile, which begins in Ethiopia, contributes about 85 percent of the flow that passes through Egypt to the Mediterranean.
Ethiopia became an even bigger threat a month after the Egyptian Revolution toppled President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 when they announced new details about the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.
In April of this year Bradley Hope of the The National reported that construction had begun and that the massive project ”could destabilize Egypt in a way that would make the last year of political upheaval look minuscule.”
It would lead to political, economic and social instability,”  Mohamed Nasr El Din Allam, Egypt’s minister of water and irrigation until early last year, told Hope. ”Millions of people would go hungry. There would be water shortages everywhere. It’s huge.”
Ethiopia is also currently struggling to fund the dam, which would need foreign aid to be completed. Egypt and Sudan have lobbied foreign donors to refrain from funding the project while they try to find a diplomatic solution to the increasingly dire water situation.
A dispatch from June 1, 2010, that cited a “high-level Egyptian security/intel source, in regular direct contact with Mubarak and [then-intelligence head Omar] Suleiman” said:
The only country that is not cooperating is Ethiopia. We are continuing to talk to them, using the diplomatic approach. Yes, we are discussing military cooperation with Sudan. … If it comes to a crisis, we will send a jet to bomb the dam and come back in one day, simple as that. Or we can send our special forces in to block/sabotage the dam Look back to an operation Egypt did in the mid-late 1970s, i think 1976, when Ethiopia was trying to build a large dam. We blew up the equipment while it was traveling by sea to Ethiopia.
A dispatch from July 29, 2010, that cited the Egyptian ambassador to Lebanon said that Egypt and leaders of the soon-to-be independent southern region of Sudan “agreed on developing strategic relations between their two countries,” including Egypt training the South Sudan military, and noted that “the horizons for Egyptian-southern Sudanese cooperation are limitless since the south needs everything.”
In 1979 Anwar Sadat, Egypt’s second president, said: “The only matter that could take Egypt to war again is water.”
The government of current Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi described the Stratfor emails as hearsay “designed to disturb Egyptian-Ethiopian relations.”

Wednesday, October 10, 2012

Ethiopia: Independent papers say gov’t banned them, won’t let printer publish their papers


ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Two weekly newspapers that have been critical of Ethiopia’s ruling party have stopped publication because of government obstruction, the papers’ publishers said Monday.

The publishers are appealing to the country’s newly appointed Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to intervene. A government spokesman said the Ethiopian government is not telling printers not to print the papers.
Both Feteh, the country’s largest weekly at 27,500 copies, and Finote Netsanet, which is published by the largest opposition group, Unity for Democracy and Justice, have been unable to reach their readers for several weeks after the state-owned Berhanena Selam printing company refused to continue printing them.

“We tried other printers, private ones as well. Some say they don’t have the capacity while others first agree to print our paper only later to refuse us without any reasons,” said Negasso Gidada, a former president of Ethiopia who now leads an opposition political party with the lone opposition member in the 547-seat parliament.
“They simply tell us ‘Please don’t come back ... we only want sports and medical issue papers ... not politics.”

The group says its paper was forced off market after featuring critical articles on the legacy of Ethiopia’s late leader Meles Zenawi, who died Aug. 20.
The opposition group said it sent Hailemariam two letters demanding he stop “authorities’ attack of the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech.”

Temesgen Desalegn, editor in chief of Feteh, said that his paper’s July 20 issue was blocked from distribution because a prosecutor said that the news report it hoped to publish — that Meles had died — was false. The printer has since refused to publish the paper, citing an order by the Ministry of Justice, he said.
“They told me if I can bring a written letter from the Justice Ministry saying otherwise we can continue to publish the paper,” said Temesgen. “What we are hoping is the spirit of dictatorship that was taken off by the natural death of the late PM is gone. ... Maybe the new prime minister and his government, once settled in, may ease attacks on the free press.”

Shimeles Kemal, communications state minister, denied that the government is telling the printer not to publish the papers.

“It is an absolute lie,” he said. “The government does not have the province and jurisdiction to dictate a contract between a public company and its clients.”
Shimeles said that the printer has the right to refuse to publish a publication that contains “rebellious material and materials that are in violation any written law.”
A media rights official blamed the government.

“Barhanena Selam printing company is controlled by the state and its refusal to print Feteh and Finote Netsanet, two publications critical of the government, is a result of official pressure and political censorship,” said Mohamed Keita of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists.

Meanwhile, CPJ last week said Ethiopia should stop harassing journalists covering Ethiopia’s Muslim community after a reporter for the U.S.-government-funded Voice of America was briefly detained last week. The reporter was forced to erase interviews she had recorded at a protest by Ethiopia’s Muslim community, CPJ said.
Copyright 2012  the Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Tuesday, October 9, 2012

9 African, International Rights Groups Call on Ethiopian PM to Free Jailed Journalists


A diverse group of 29 Africa and international-based rights groups today called on new Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to free journalists jailed in the Horn of Africa country and respect international and Ethiopian law protecting freedom of expression. The call comes as Ethiopia is seeking a post on the United Nations' Human Rights Council.

"We urge your government, at this opportune moment, to consider and protect the vital role that independent journalists, civil society organizations and political dissidents play in holding the government to account for its performance on its domestic and international human rights obligations," says the letter. "We appeal to you to restore the faith of the Ethiopian people and the international community in the Ethiopian state and lead a government which draws its strength and legitimacy from the pluralistic inclusion of different voices from all segments of society."
The letter was organized by Johannesburg-based Civicus: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Signatories are:
  1. Action for Fundamental Change and Development, Uganda
  2. Action Solidaire de la Jeunesse pour le Développement Communautaire (ASOEDEC), Democratic Republic of the Congo
  3. AfriMAP, South Africa
  4. Amnesty International
  5. Campaign Against Illiteracy and Ignorance, Nigeria
  6. Centre for Legal Empowerment, Kenya
  7. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  8. Committee to Free Eskinder Nega
  9. Committee to Protect Journalists
  10. East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project
  11. Freedom Now
  12. Front Line Defenders
  13. Human Rights Network Uganda (HURINET-U), Uganda
  14. Human Rights Watch
  15. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
  16. International Press Institute
  17. League for Human Rights in the Great Lakes Region, Rwanda
  18. League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Right in Rwanda (LIPRODHOR), Rwanda
  19. Ligue Iteka, Burundi
  20. National Civic Forum, Sudan
  21. PEN American Center
  22. Réseau des Organisations de la Société Civile pour le Dévelopement, (RESOCIDE), Burkina Faso
  23. South Sudan Human Rights Defenders Network, South Sudan
  24. South Sudan Human Rights Society for Advocacy, (SSHURSA), South Sudan
  25. Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA Network), Uganda
  26. Swedish International Liberal Centre
  27. West African Human Rights Defenders Network (WAHRDN), Togo
  28. World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers
  29. World Organisation Against Torture